Political Science

This book examines the impact of World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) economic restructuring programmes during active conflicts.

Using a critical political economy perspective, the book explores how these restructuring efforts affect vulnerable communities’ survival amid violence. Chapters provide a detailed case study of Ukraine during the War in Donbas, analysing the controversial reforms in agriculture, gas and pension sectors. The resulting analysis offers valuable insights into how these reforms have influenced Ukraine’s political economy and the survival of conflict-affected populations since the 2022 Russian invasion.

This book explores the political economy of Chinese and Japanese infrastructure financing in Indonesia, examining how Chinese and Japanese actors utilize diverse modes including Official Development Assistant, commercial loans, export credits, business-to-business investments, and public–private partnerships to ensure profitability and manage risks.

Moving beyond traditional views of these financing modes as geoeconomic statecraft, the book exposes readers to a new perspective by situating infrastructure financing in the context of capitalist development. It reveals how contestation, conflicts, and compromise between socio-political forces including different segments of Japanese and Chinese capital, state actors, and civil society actors in Indonesia give shape to distinct modes of financing. Through detailed case studies and interviews across Japan, China and Indonesia, it uncovers the interplay between these forces and how their relations are sustained through regulatory complexes underpinning large-scale projects.

This book not only defines what European Studies actually mean, but also considers how non-unidisciplinary research could be conceptualized in this field.

As an alternative concept for inter-, cross-, trans- and multi-disciplinary studies, non-unidisciplinary European Studies, as defined in this volume, represent a conscious choice to look beyond what is normal. From various disciplinary starting points, the contributors step out of their discipline, giving perspective to pervasive norms and actively incorporating different approaches. Through this, the volume analyzes the motivations to engage in non-unidisciplinarity and develops new methods for European Studies.

Prior to European colonization, the world was thickly populated with hundreds of independent states and vibrant regional state systems. Yet these states are typically excluded from traditional international relations scholarship, which has mostly focused on the European experience.

This book provides a groundbreaking comparative analysis of non-Western states and state systems in the nineteenth century. Using an original data set on independent states during this period, Charles R. Butcher and Ryan D. Griffiths answer fundamental questions such as how many states there were, when they arose, and when they died, documenting the large number of states that were extinguished as a consequence of European colonialism. They explore the structure of nineteenth-century state systems in East Asia, South Asia, maritime Southeast Asia, and West Africa, examining the effects of war, trade, and interaction capacity. Through these case studies, Butcher and Griffiths provide novel perspectives on longstanding debates over state centralization and the choice between indirect and direct forms of rule.

Shedding new light on the dynamics of non-Western interstate relations during the nineteenth century, Before Colonization reveals striking similarities between state systems across diverse historical settings.

Through dozens of diverse and timely political essays and analyses, this book addresses the most pressing problems of our contemporary world. Instead of the tired, detached academic inquiry that permeates from institutions of higher education, these pages contain writings that have been produced by political organizers and revolutionaries throughout the course of their daily activity in social, economic, and political movements.

The 2017 Hampton Reader includes the most popular essays from The Hampton Institute: A Working-Class Think Tank. The Hampton Institute is an intellectual and political organization that seeks to develop the working class into a self-conscious class-for-itself capable of fundamentally changing the nature of society. The essays herein are the products of a collective of organic intellectuals united by the task of clarifying our political moment, sparking a revival in working-class intellectualism, and pushing the revolutionary struggles of our day forward.

Major demographic transitions are underway in Asia and the Pacific. The populations of China, Japan, Taiwan, South Korea, and Russia are aging and shrinking, while India, the Philippines, Vietnam, and Australia, among others, continue to grow. How will these striking changes affect regional security dynamics and the United States–led alliance structure in the Indo-Pacific?

Andrew L. Oros offers an expert analysis of how rapid aging and population shifts are transforming the military strategies and capabilities of regional powers in Asia. Examining sixteen states, he provides a comparative view of the developing landscape and explores ways to address the consequences. Oros demonstrates that, contrary to what many have claimed, states with shrinking populations will continue to be formidable military powers. He develops a novel theoretical and empirical argument for why rapid aging does not necessarily dampen security competition. Nonetheless, demographic shifts in the coming decades will fundamentally alter the security challenges facing the United States and its allies. Oros considers how technological change and health care advances are mitigating the drawbacks of aging populations as well as how factors such as autonomous defense systems and artificial intelligence present new challenges. Rigorous and timely, Asia’s Aging Security makes a forceful case that adjustment to demographic change is a necessity for twenty-first-century foreign policy.

To disrupt current polarization and tribalism, and meet the growing demands of globalization, organizations and communities must evolve. Such profound transformation begins with developing leaders who are prepared to create inclusion in boardrooms, classrooms, hospitals, communities, and beyond.

Through the lens of her own story of immigrating from Iran to the United States and her experience leading diversity programs in health care and education, Dr. Helen Fagan presents a challenging discussion of the research along with a frank, intimate look at the very hard work leaders must do at an individual level to overcome personal obstacles to inclusion.

Becoming Inclusive reveals the systemic problems of organizational bias and prejudice and shows university students, instructors, organizational and government leaders a path forward. This work seeks to fill the gap in the management, leadership and diversity field of work that focuses on the need to transform the mindsets of individual leaders from tribal to global, in order to address the big issues facing humanity.

'Change (Transformation) in Government Organizations' discusses recent efforts to bring about change in government organizations. The book brings together contributions by a number of managers, practitioners, academics and consultants in the study of international, federal, state, and local government efforts to respond to increased calls for change (transformation) in public sector organizations. Each contributor describes their work in this area using as a backdrop the fact that public sector organizations continue to be under new and substantial pressures to change and transform themselves. Hence a collection of current contributions such as those in this book are intended to add to the ongoing debates and rewriting of the success and failures of change in public sector organizations./p>

The ultimate purpose of this book is to further our knowledge about the related issues and current efforts to bring about change or transformation in public sector organizations. The contributors, all experts with extensive experience as change agents in both public and private sector organizations not only support their analyses and discussions of specific cases and change (transformation) management issues but also provide practical tools, ideas and lessons learned, intended to be generalizable to other public sector agencies and helpful to those responsible for developing, implementing and evaluating similar efforts in the years to come. The audience for the book will be government managers, scholars and others interested in undertaking or learning about such efforts.

Cultural Impact on Conflict Management in Higher Education shares information regarding conflict management and resolution in higher education from a global perspective. In this book, we introduced many conflict resolution methods from different regions in the world. You can borrow some successful strategies and examine the differences and similarities between contexts. The book shares a conflict resolution model which may direct the reader to start thinking about addressing and managing conflicts from different levels of organizations.

This book is a collective work of authors coming from all over the world. We chose higher education as the context because it is a place where diverse thoughts, perspectives, and people come together. Because of the potential richness of diversity on a college campus, the opportunity for conflicts occurs.

Managing conflict does not work when there is a 'one-way only approach/model' for addressing conflict. Some conflict resolution encompasses multiple dimensions: (a) one’s personal beliefs or beliefs about an issue; (b) an individual’s personal history in terms of how the conflict was perceived as something to be discussed or not; (c) work culture of the conflict where if ‘one has a conflict,’ the person or unit is messing up or there is a problem person; (d) the unconscious strategies of ‘face saving’ (trying to maintain one’s image) present; (e) social hierarchies or relationships; and (f) the diversity dimensions and issues that may be present.

The purpose of this book is to compile and publicize the best current thinking about training and professional development for youth workers. School age youth spend far more of their time outside of school than inside of school. The United States boasts a rich and vibrant ecosystem of Out-of-School Time programs and funders, ranging from grassroots neighborhood centers to national Boys and Girls Clubs. The research community, too, has produced some scientific consensus about defining features of high quality youth development settings and the importance of after-school and informal programs for youth. But we know far less about the people who provide support, guidance, and mentoring to youth in these settings. What do youth workers do? What kinds of training, certification, and job security do they have?

Unlike K-12 classroom teaching, a profession with longstanding – if contested – legitimacy and recognition, “youth work” does not call forth familiar imagery or cultural narratives. Ask someone what a youth worker does and they are just as likely to think you are talking about a young person working at her first job as they are to think you mean a young adult who works with youth. This absence of shared archetypes or mental models is matched by a shortage of policies or professional associations that clearly define youth work and assume responsibility for training and preparation. This is a problem because the functions performed by youth workers outside of school are critical for positive youth development, especially in our current context governed by widening income inequality. The US has seen a decline in social mobility and an increase in income inequality and racial segregation. This places a greater premium on the role of OST programs in supporting access and equity to learning opportunities for children, particularly for those growing up in neighborhoods of concentrated poverty.

Fortunately, in the past decade there has been an emergence of research and policy arguments about the importance of naming, defining, and attending to the profession of youth work. A report released in 2013 by the DC Children and Youth Investment Corporation suggests employment opportunities for youth workers are growing faster than the national average; and as the workforce increases, so will efforts to professionalize it through specialized training and credentials. Our purpose in this volume is to build on that momentum by bringing together the best scholarship and policy ideas – coming from in and outside of higher education – about conceptions of youth work and optimal types of preparation and professional development.

This project seeks to enhance both the theoretical and practical understanding of community development by adopting an African perspective. Recognizing that the majority of community development literature utilized in African academic settings predominantly focuses on practices from the Global North, this edited volume addresses a critical gap. It develops, compiles, and promotes scholarship that is transnational yet reflective of the unique realities present within the African context. This edited volume expands the global discourse on community development by delving into the particular forms it takes within African settings. It will explore how local practices influence existing theories and models of community development and examine the integration of these theories into practical applications within African communities.

The motivating goal of this edited book is to provide a space to examine the specific contextual factors that impact the history, theory and practice of community development in Africa. Community development should reflect the local context in which it is practiced. The contributions included in this edited book will provide a valuable resource for professors, researchers, and practitioners, presenting a range of historically, culturally, and socially situated critical perspectives. In summary, this collection seeks to highlight African context specific literature in the field of community development.

Around the globe, democracy is under assault. For a dozen years, global freedom has followed a downward slope, according to Freedom House. Once viewed as the world’s model of freedom, the United States has slipped in world ratings of democracy. For a rising portion of the world’s population, faith in democracy is flagging. At the same time, a wave of nationalism and xenophobia is rising in the West, questioning democracy’s ability to meet the needs of its citizens.

The contributors to this volume examine democracy’s discontent from a variety of perspectives. What forces have produced the extreme partisanship and polarization roiling America’s civic life and politics? How has today’s populist movement challenged democratic norms and institutions? What role has social media played in democracy’s discontent and its defense? How do we overcome persistent racism in the face of emboldened White supremacist and anti-immigrant agitation?

Across the pages of this book, teachers, teacher educators, and education policy makers will recognize a common theme in responding to democracy’s discontent – the need to rebuild the nation’s civic infrastructure. Research on best practices in civic learning and engagement serve as a guide to transforming how we prepare citizens for democratic deliberation and civic action. Creative and effective teaching materials and approaches await only the will to invest the needed time and support. Repairing our civic infrastructure will help to restore confidence in our civic capabilities and trust in our ability to work together for the public good. Without a serious recommitment to the civic mission of schools, the nation will be ill prepared to defend against those within and beyond our borders who are intent on undermining democracy.

This book focuses on the inherent contradiction between bureaucracy, hierarchy, and the vision inspired by the architecture of modern information technology of a more egalitarian culture in public organizations. We agree with Evans and Wurster and others who have argued that, in the future, knowledge-based productive relationships will be designed around fluid, teambased collaborative communities, either within organizations (i.e., deconstructed value chains), or in collaborative alliances such as those with "amorphous and permeable corporate boundaries characteristic of companies in the Silicon Valley" that is, deconstructed supply chains. In such relationships everyone can communicate richly with everyone else on the basis of shared standards and, like the Internet itself, these relationships will eliminate the need to channel information, thereby eliminating the trade-off between information bandwidth and connectivity. "The possibility (or the threat) of random access and information symmetry," they conclude, "will destroy all hierarchies, whether of logic or power."

This volume on "Education towards a Culture of Peace" is a timely undertaking, since the United Nations has proclaimed the years 2001-2010 as the "International Decade for a Culture of Peace and Non-Violence for the Children of the World." A culture of peace as defined by the UN is "a set of values, attitudes, modes of behaviour and ways of life that reject violence and prevent conflicts by tackling their root causes to solve problems through dialogue and negotiation among individuals, groups and nations". (UN Resolutions A/RES/52/13 1998: Culture of Peace and A/RES/53/243, 1999: Declaration and Programme of Action on a Culture of Peace).

Most of the chapters in this book are based on lectures that were presented at the International Conference, "Education towards a Culture of Peace". This conference was convened on 1-3 December 2003, by the The Josef Burg Chair in Education for Human Values, Tolerance and Peace - UNESCO Chair on Human Rights, Democracy, Peace and Tolerance School of Education, at Bar Ilan University, Israel. This conference was held under the auspices of Israel National Commission for UNESCO and supported also by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Jerusalem, The office of Public Affairs of the US Embassy Tel Aviv, Fulbright – United States – Israel Educational Foundation.

The rise of peace education both in scholarship and in practice has yielded numerous documents, websites, and publications with often divergent perspectives on what the field is, does, and means. The Encyclopedia of Peace Education provides a comprehensive overview of the scholarly developments in the field to date, so as to provide a common denominator for the various actors involved in advancing peace education internationally. Thus, this edited volume serves as an essential reference guide that traces the history and emergence of the field, highlights foundational concepts, contextualizes peace education practice across international and disciplinary borders, and suggests new directions for peace educators.

From core conceptual perspectives to the moral and spiritual foundations of the field to the role of the United Nations, the Encyclopedia grounds peace education in a solid theoretical and practical framework through the writings of the field’s most renowned scholars. This volume will target undergraduate and graduate students as well as scholars and practitioners working in international and non-governmental organizations in the field of peace education.

In these times and for future generations, students must learn how to analyze constantly changing issues, decipher media as truth or fake news, and contest highly competitive, biased informational sources. Students must develop knowledge, skills, and attitudes necessary for leveraging their capacity as active citizens charged with holding institutions accountable for truthfully addressing and protecting civil liberties. Extending the Ground of Public Confidence: Teaching Civil Liberties in K-16 Social Studies Education is a book grounded in current scholarship and seeks to address the need for a practical, user-friendly resource for teaching civil liberties in K-12 social studies and teacher education. This book brings together chapter-length discussions about various issues, introduced first from historic perspectives and then compared and described in modern terms. Such topics include, though are not limited to, disputes surrounding freedom of speech and religion, power issues, defending property rights, debates on security of persons and privacy, free exercise of assembly and expression, and the endless debate about who can and cannot vote in U.S. elections.

Each chapter contains teaching-ready, inquiry-based learning activities framed by the National Council for the Social Studies (NCSS) College, Career, and Civic Life (C3) Inquiry Arc (2013). Students (1) develop questions and plan investigations; (2) apply disciplinary concepts and tools; (3) gather, evaluate and use evidence; and (4) work collaboratively to communicate conclusions and take informed action. Lesson ideas engage learners across age groups and grade levels in learning that fosters informed, sustainable actions aimed at upholding and protecting civil liberties.

In Humanities Perspectives in Peace Education: Re-Engaging the Heart of Peace Studies, scholar-teachers across a variety of humanities fields explore the content, methods, and pedagogies that are unique to their respective disciplines in contributing to the study of peace and justice. In recent decades, even as peace scholarship has burgeoned, many peace studies texts, including those that purport to be interdisciplinary in nature, have emphasized social science perspectives and, in some cases, have foregone exploration of the role of the humanities altogether in comprehensive peace education. While humanities scholars continue to stake out space for peace scholarship within their fields, no volume has attempted to collect the wisdom of multiple humanities disciplines in order to make the case for their critical role in authentic peace education. Humanities Perspectives in Peace Education addresses that shortcoming in the field of peace studies by exploring the ways in which the humanities are uniquely situated to contribute particular content, knowledge, skills, and values required of comprehensive peace education, scholarship, and activism. These include the development of empathy and understanding, creative vision and imagination, personal and communal transformation toward 'the good' in society (such as the pursuit of justice, nonviolence, freedom, and human thriving), and field-specific analytical lenses of their own, among other contributions.

Both teachers and students of peace will find value in this interdisciplinary humanities volume. Each chapter of Humanities Perspectives in Peace Education offers a deep-dive into a particular humanities field-including philosophy, literature, language and culture studies, rhetoric, religion, history, and music-to mine the field’s unique contributions to peace and justice studies. Scholars ask: 'What are we missing in peace education if we fail to include this academic discipline?' Chapters include suggestions for peace pedagogies within the humanities field as well as bibliographies and suggestions for further reading.

The Tenth Amendment of the United States Constitution places education firmly under the purview of the states. As such, and from the time the first public education system was conceived in the United States, there have been endless battles under the domes of state capitals everywhere to create, control, and reform educational policy. However, despite the prominent role that states and their legislatures have as central actors in forming educational policy, very few policy actors and even fewer academics have been able to pierce the veil of policymaking at the state level. This case study addresses that gap by examining how one particular educational policy – The Michigan Public Education Finance Act – was created, lived, died, and was resurrected in the State of Michigan. Through the exploration of this policy, there is a particular focus on the use of critical legal theory to examine hidden power structure embedded in the legislative legal system and apply this often-overlooked critical approach to education policy research. Readers will come to understand what educational policymaking looks like at the state level and how to engage their voice in the process.

With the increasing political nature of education policy and the fight to control it in the halls of local state capitals, educators as well as the public need to know how to access the political system and have their voice heard. However, it can also appear to be impenetrable to an outsider. This book will demystify the policy making process.

The Hispanic population has emerged at the largest ethnic/racial minority in the United States, and has also become a major political constituency. Consequently, it is important to gauge the extent to which they have been integrated into various societal institutions. One important institution is the US labor market.

The research contained in the present volume assess a number of issues about how well Hispanics are integrated into the US labor market, a major factor in the group’s economic status. The research makes important contributions to the existing body of research on the Hispanic population, and may be used by scholars and policy makers in better understanding the status of this important ethnic/racial group.

Learning with Lenin brings together, for the first time, Lenin’s classic texts and his speeches and writings on education. To facilitate educators and activists’ engagement with these works, a study and discussion guide accompanies each text. Learning with Lenin contributes to the rematerialization of a revolutionary movement in the U.S. by focusing on the pedagogy of Lenin. After a series of setbacks and attacks that seriously degraded its status in both working-class struggles and educational theory, socialism is once again on the rise. Like the generations before them, organizers, activists, and educators are once again turning to classic works of socialism to understand and respond to the systematic depravities of imperialism, white supremacy, and settler-colonialism. Learning with Lenin will assist anyone interested in reading and applying Lenin’s theories to our current era, with all of its complexities and contradictions.

Public education is suffering attacks that are well funded and extraordinarily complex and multifaceted. These conditions make it difficult for educators and citizens to gather the information they need to mount meaningful resistance, especially since mainstream media tends to be uncritically supportive of neoliberal reforms. The Orwellian language of reforms is adopted and promoted through news outlets, politicians, and film; thus, arguments against these reforms must bubble up through social media and alternative outlets. By providing a coherent, comprehensive description of contemporary neoliberal initiatives and analyzing their effects on students, teachers, administrators, and teacher education, this book will allow educators, parents, students, and citizens to strengthen their resolve to save public education and, potentially, work to preserve the promise of democracy.

This book examines and uncovers the effects of standardization and privatization on public education. Contributors consider the how of standardized curriculum and assessment, coupled with philanthropic and corporate pressure, have influenced the experiences of students, parents, and teachers. Divided in sections entitled Testing, Testing; Privatization and Militarization: Redefining Schools; Alienation: Displacing Students and Teachers; and Resistance: Opting Out and Hope for Change, this text offers a combination of information and inspiration for teachers, teacher educators, policymakers, parents and anyone interested in understanding the current state of public education.

In recent years, there has been an increase in new forms of employment. Namely, thanks to the use of platforms in business and the emergence of the "gig economy", there are gradual changes in this domain. These include part-time, temporary, informal, and unpaid family work. This type of employment can be defined as any job, but only of short or uncertain duration.

The experiences gained by the countries of the European Union, as well as the countries of the Western Balkans from the COVID-19 crisis, during which they used new technologies in work, should in the future make working systems even more adapted to the digital age.

At last, whether working from home is the product of one's own choice or is the result of a pandemic or other environmental shock, the change in the way work is done is real and governments must understand the implications and take steps to position their economies accordingly.

This book is intended to give readers detailed information and perspectives on the reform of financial management reform practices in a variety of national settings around the world. The chapters explore the reform agenda in each nation and factors that stimulated change. Each chapter addresses the extent of the influence of "New Public Management" concepts and practices on reform implementation. The nations whose experience is represented in this book are among the most often cited examples of progressive change to be examined and perhaps emulated by governments in other nations. In the introductory chapter the editors address the question whether and to what extent the financial management reforms detailed in the book reveal real progress or a progression of questions and dilemmas faced but not solved over the past several decades.

This book provides an insight into the possibilities that so-called “Electronic Government” has to offer. It demonstrates the elements belonging to the concept of E-Government and acts as a point of reference for those aiming to implement it. Checklists and lists of questions enable self-assessment at local, state and federal levels, highlighting opportunities for further development. The book cannot be described as technical—programmers will not find any instructions. Instead, it is designed to act as a point of orientation for decision makers in the field of government and politics, without the need to get bogged down in technical details. Central to the book are the following questions: what is Electronic Government, what advantages does it bring to those involved with it, and how can it be introduced?

No book has ever presented a selection of writings of anarchists from the Portuguese-speaking world to an English-speaking audience. In The Luso-Anarchist Reader, writings by feminist radicals such as Maria Lacerda de Moura and anarchist communists such as Neno Vasco are made available in English for the first time. Researchers and activists interested in achieving a more comprehensive understanding of people's movements could certainly stand to benefit from exposure to these texts.

Groups such as the Anarchist Federation of Rio de Janeiro are organizing in both urban and rural Brazil, sometimes working as part of a larger umbrella organization known as Brazilian Anarchist Coordination or CAB coordinating the efforts of various anarchist associations. Anarchists participated in the massive 2013 protests in Brazil, protests that brought together millions of people to speak out against corruption and for a variety of social causes. Anarchists are active in anti-austerity protests in Portugal against the European troika. Given the visibility of anarchism in the Portuguese-speaking world, Brazil in particular, the need to understand the roots of this anarchist tradition is especially salient.

Anarchism in the Portuguese-speaking world during the early twentieth century brought together immigrants, people of African and indigenous descent, and feminists to forge a solidarity-based alliance for change. The young anarchist activists questioning the status quo today stand on ground seeded by the hard work of their predecessors.

Few time periods in the past five decades match the intensity of intergroup conflict that people around the world are currently experiencing. Polarized attitudes around various sociopolitical issues, such as gender equality and immigration, have dominated the media and our lives. Furthermore, these powerful social dynamics have also impacted the places where we work and intensified existing strains on workers and workplaces. To address these issues and improve organizational climates, more theories, research and collaborations to understand these phenomena are needed. The volumes in this series will describe and instigate scholarship that advances our understanding of diversity in organizations.

This volume features renowned scholars who are unabashedly pushing the field by raising the questions that need to be asked, by working on topics that have received far too little research attention, and by holding researchers, practitioners, managers, organizations, and readers to task for doing what needs to be done to maximize social justice and egalitarian behaviors in the workplace. The chapters provoke the status quo in society and in scholarship, and in so doing, push our understanding of diversity in organizations.

This book is unique in its utilization of the natural sciences to explain and illustrate key concepts of communist philosophy. In its recapitulation of the spirit of Engels’s unfinished manuscript, The Dialectics of Nature, it relies on the physical sciences developed since Engels’s time to reaffirm the validity of materialist dialectics, a point which is more easily made in the context of natural phenomena than it is in social phenomena. The basic philosophical tenets underlying Communist ideology are all supported by the natural sciences.

The book is situated within the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist tradition. Its overarching theme is the need to reclaim our most fundamental weapon of that tradition—it’s methodology or philosophy—which has been vitiated or even scrapped by well-intentioned revolutionaries throughout the 20th century. In particular, some of Mao’s philosophical formulations are found to be erroneous and in opposition to his practice. With the rapidly accelerating deterioration of the global capitalist order in progress since 2007, the urgency of this reclamation cannot be over-emphasized.

This book provides a state-of-the-art assessment of citizen participation practice and research in the United States. With contributions from a stellar group of scholars, it provides readers an overview of a field at the heart of democratic governance. Individual chapters trace shifts in participation philosophy and policy, examine trends at different government levels, analyze technology/participation interactions, identify the participation experiences of minority populations, and explore the impact of voluntary organizations on this topic. A five-chapter section illustrates innovative cases. Another section explores the role of various methodologies in advancing participation research.

The scope, depth, and timeliness of the coverage fills two voids in the public administration literature. First, the book provides a unique collection of articles for graduate courses in citizen participation and democratic governance. The volume also offers an excellent compendium for researchers who are at the frontline of participation research and practice.

Understanding Peace Cultures is exceptionally practical as well as theoretically grounded. As Elise Boulding tells us, culture consists of the shared values, ideas, practices, and artifacts of a group united by a common history. Rebecca Oxford explains that peace cultures are cultures, large or small, which foster any of the dimensions of peace – inner, interpersonal, intergroup, international, intercultural, or ecological – and thus help transform the world. As in her earlier book, The Language of Peace: Communicating to Create Harmony, Oxford contends here that peace is a serious and desirable option.

Excellent educators help build peace cultures. In this book, Shelley Wong and Rachel Grant reveal how highly diverse public school classrooms serve as peace cultures, using activities and themes founded on womanist and critical race theories. Yingji Wang portrays a peace culture in a university classroom. Rui Ma’s model reaches out interculturally to Abraham’s children: Jewish, Christian, and Muslim youth, who share an ancient heritage. Children’s literature (Rebecca Oxford et al.) and students’ own writing (Tina Wei) spread cultures of peace.

Deep traditions, such as African performance art, Buddhism, Daoism, Confucianism and Islam, give rise to peace cultures, as shown here by John Grayzel, Sister Jewel (a colleague of Thich Nhat Hanh), Yingji Wang et al., and Dian Marissa et al. Peace cultures also emerge in completely unexpected venues, such as gangsta rap, unveiled by Charles Blake et al., and a prison where inmates learn Lois Liggett’s “spiritual semantics.” Finally, the book includes perspectives from Jerusalem (by Lawrence Berlin) and North Korea and South Korea (by Carol Griffiths) to help us envision – and hope for – new, transformative peace cultures where now there is strife.

“Why haven’t we been successful in finding sustainable solutions?” is a question that this book attempts to address. This book questions the appropriateness of current approaches to international conflict mediation/peacebuilding and whether today’s practitioners have the necessary patience, passion, and training to manage twenty-first-century conflicts. This book also examines whether the current approaches to the mediation of international conflict and peacebuilding, as well as the education in these fields, effectively consider the influence of the post-Cold War environment and whether they address sub-national conflicts caused by the continually increasing social inequality within societies, among parties with different cultural, religious, racial, ethnic, and linguistic backgrounds.

The narratives of the lived experiences of this book’s contributors are used to illustrate the challenges associated with achieving sustained global peace in the twenty-first century. Using the author’s conversations with the contributors to the book, as well as educators, this book suggests that a universally adopted answer to the book’s underlying question has not yet been established. Therefore, the objective of this book is to start a public conversation about reforming the current education and practices used in the mediation of international conflicts and peacebuilding. The author hopes that these reforms will enable practitioners in integrating the message of the youth uprisings across the globe in finding sustainable resolutions to social inequality–based conflicts within their societies and among countries across the globe.

As all of the citizens of the world continue to live in the midst of conflicts erupting across the globe, this book brings to the surface the urgent and acute need for finding better approaches to address this century’s social inequality-based conflicts. This book seeks to bring hope and to energize individuals with different cultural, religious, ethnic, racial and linguistic backgrounds, as well as individuals with different professional and personal lived experiences to collaboratively work together to achieve sustainable global peace. The author hopes that this book will foster among students, educators, and practitioners a better understanding of international conflict mediators’ approaches for accommodating the inter-relationship between culture and the mediation of international conflicts.

Voices of Pineland: Eugenics, Social Reform, and the Legacy of “Feeblemindedness” in Maine by Stephen Murphy tells the story of the Maine School for the Feebleminded, later known as Pineland Hospital and Training Center. Based on an in depth analysis of annual institutional reports, newspaper clippings, legal documents, and other archival sources as well as interviews with former residents, their family members, and staff, Murphy traces the history of the Maine institution from its founding in 1908 to its eventual closure in 1996. Prior to 1908, Maine sent many of its citizens with intellectual and developmental disabilities to Massachusetts. When the state established the Maine School for the Feebleminded, it modeled it after an institution in Massachusetts that had been the first asylum for socalled “idiots” in the United States. Murphy shows the influences of both social forces and the personalities of superintendents, elected officials, and eventually lawyers, advocates, and court officials on Pineland’s history.

Voices of Pineland is more than the story of Maine’s institution for the feebleminded, though. It provides a lens through which to view the history of people with intellectual disabilities in twentieth century America. The founding of the Maine School for the Feebleminded was a product of the eugenics fervor that swept the country around the turn of the century and continued for several decades. The feebleminded were seen as a cause of a broad range of social problems and a threat to the social order. Like other states, Maine turned to the institution and later involuntary sterilization to prevent the feebleminded from spreading their alleged defective genes. The population of the Maine school steadily grew, and the institution soon became overcrowded and understaffed. As early as 1938, charges of abuse and neglect at the institution were reported in the press. This predated the flurry of exposes on state schools and mental hospitals in the national media, including Life magazine and Reader’s Digest, in the post-World War II era.

In this book, Kevin Kester details how the United Nations promotion of higher education for peace and international understanding sometimes unintentionally contributes to the reproduction of conflict and violence across diverse cultures. He shows this through an indepth examination of peace curricula, pedagogy and policy in one United Nations higher education institution, where he indicates how dominant philosophical and pedagogical models that signify acceptable peace education ultimately undermine the very goals of educational peacebuilding.

Kester contends that theoretical and pedagogical training must develop beyond the dominant psycho-social, rational and state-centric assumptions that permeate the field today if higher education is to better contribute to personal and societal peacebuilding. Drawing from the fields of educational philosophy and sociology, he argues for new concepts of poststructural violence and second order reflexivity that can assist scholars in reducing conflict and building peace in lasting ways. He complements his fieldwork findings with personal reflections throughout the book to reimagine the transformative possibilities of peacebuilding education for the 21st century.

A powerful guide for dealing with traumatised communities in the wake of conflict and disaster.

What are the human consequences of conflict, and how should healthcare and social services respond? In this book, David Bolton provides an answer to these urgent questions, drawing on more than twenty-five years of service experience in Northern Ireland and elsewhere.

Focusing on the work he undertook with colleagues following the devastating Omagh bombing in 1998, Bolton reveals how needs were assessed and how evidence-based services were put in place. He describes the training and education programmes that were developed to assist first those communities directly affected by the bombing and later the wider population traumatised by the years of conflict. Crucially, he places the mental-health needs of affected communities at the heart of the political and peace processes that follow.

The second edition of this clear and practical book includes new chapters on the challenges of promoting justice and reconciliation in a post-conflict situation. It is essential reading for those planning for and responding to conflict-related disasters, policy makers, service commissioners and providers, politicians, civil servants and peace makers.

What is England? What is England’s place in the United Kingdom – or indeed outside it? How should England be governed? What constitutional foundations are needed to secure English democracy?

In this ground-breaking book, Dr W. Elliot Bulmer makes the case for a written constitution for England. Informed by comparative constitutional scholarship and by practical experience of constitution-making around the world, the book ties together debates on English national identity with discussion on the constitutional future of England. It offers an English solution to the problem of the United Kingdom’s constitutional disrepair and a constitutional solution to the problem of England’s identity crisis.

Demonstrating that a written constitution both practical in the English context and compatible with the English constitutional tradition, the book includes an example draft constitution inspired by Westminster Model democracies in the Commonwealth.

A bold and balanced re-appraisal of New Labour in power.

Rewriting the story of New Labour, Glen O’Hara challenges the prevailing narrative to present a more balanced and positive assessment. New Labour, New Britain? is the first book to examine both the intentions behind New Labour’s domestic policies and their real-world effects, moving beyond the entrenched left-right debates that have dominated the party’s legacy.

The period from 1997 to 2007 marked a pivotal moment in modern British history, as New Labour sought to reshape Britain into a more cohesive and forward-thinking society. It saw the rise of socially liberal attitudes and flourishing public services under a government committed to rebuilding and investing in them. Yet New Labour’s track record was far from flawless and its legacy remains complicated and contested.

Through interviews with key players and rigorous archival research, O'Hara offers a new perspective on Tony Blair’s years in power. Painting a fuller picture of New Labour’s successes and challenges, he highlights its lasting impact on Britain and offers a thoughtful reassessment of its place in history.

The Stakes of a Global War is a compelling collection of editorial articles spanning over two decades, from 1999 to 2025, by one of the bravest and most insightful commentators writing on Russia today, Andrei Piontkovsky. This powerful work dissects the rise of "Putinism" and its profound impact on Russia and the world stage.

Piontkovsky, a Russian scientist and political writer, offers a sharp, polemical analysis of Vladimir Putin's presidency, tracing Russia's shift from a nascent "New Russia" to an aggressive, authoritarian state. From early warnings about totalitarian tendencies to stark predictions of war, the book chronicles events like the Chechen conflict, the annexation of Crimea, and the escalating tensions leading to a global crisis. With a keen eye for political maneuvering and societal shifts, Piontkovsky's writings delve into the Kremlin's strategies, the manipulation of public opinion, and the West's complex relationship with Russia. The Stakes of a Global War also examines the 2024 US presidential election and its implications for international relations, alongside the ongoing war in Ukraine. Featuring a preface by Kremlin critic Leonid Nevzlin, this book provides a critical perspective on contemporary history, offering insights into the forces shaping our world and the high stakes of global conflict. Piontkovsky's work is both a historical record and a prophetic warning, challenging readers to confront the realities of power and the fragility of peace.

This book is concerned with the evolution of Podemos, the election of which arguably marks one of the most notable instances of left-wing populism making it to government. As junior coalition partner in the Sánchez II government, Podemos brought about the first coalition government in the Spanish democracy.

Through this case study, the book examines how left-wing populist parties adapt to their participation in government – how they navigate the challenge of institutionalization, how they change their organization and communication strategies – thereby transitioning from outside forces to becoming integral parts of the institutional system themselves. Is Podemos a traditional political party today? Is Podemos still populist?

This book sheds light on the transformation of political actors born amidst the Great Recession and the crisis of political representation, the continuities and discontinuities in their evolutions. The case of Podemos will also be put into context by comparing it with other types of populism that have come to power in Europe.

Using as case studies the three key outcomes during Ukraine’s Euromaidan moment (late 2013–early 2014) – namely, the introduction of GM agriculture; the opening up of the country’s energy industry to TNC-led fracking (shale gas extraction); and, the sudden and violent ‘regime change’ – this book examines the processes by which such foreign policy and international development outcomes came about; it does so by focussing on configurations of multiple influential actors – political, corporate, philanthropic and intellectual actors (e.g., academics, researchers at think tanks) – all of whom are connected by various combinations of social, personal, structural and political ties. More specifically, these outcomes are best explained by focusing on global webs of diverse social relations between elites spanning governments, international institutions, philanthropic foundations, research institutions and think tanks, ‘civil society’ organizations, and multi-national corporations. Some of the actors in this global elite network may be state or corporate actors, but their connections are not based just on ‘national interest’ or structural affiliation, and their primary allegiance is to the global elite network. Elites can exercise forms of power within policy settings, but only a global elite network can influence policy to the extent that all three of these outcomes were produced.
The overall outcomes were broken down into the processes and the events that produced them. These events include conferences, parties, business meetings and mergers, political speeches, policies, and so on. The key players in each of these events are identified and analysed, along with the multiple types of connections that link the various actors. The connections that link the different types of nodes into a cohesive global elite network were generated into maps as a visual aid to help follow the strong analysis of these relations and interactions.
First, this book details the multiple types of relationships, especially social and personal that enabled the outcomes. This is crucial in demonstrating how sensitive information flows along informal ties in a network. For example, social relations allow for the transfer of insider knowledge that is unregulated and has no oversight – information that the rest of the population (the masses) is not privy to. Social relations can allow for collusion, including in ways that may be legal, but unethical and thus potentially damaging in the public domain. This book also deploys a groundbreaking definition of the term ‘gatekeepers’ used throughout the analysis. Gatekeepers link people together; they link think tanks, corporations, politicians and foundations together, and also link nodes in different industries and sectors together (e.g., the development and foreign policy sectors, the philanthropic and corporate sectors, etc.). They bridge multiple industries, sectors, events and processes.
Second, this book focuses on the spaces where these social connections were fostered, revealing the key places for global elites to convene, align diverse agendas, collaborate, and thus produce outcomes and agendas. Such spaces are crucial in enabling structural connections to become social connections. Mutual membership to think tanks and foundations and attending the same conferences/panels at places like Davos or Bilderberg can serve as a space for meetings and allow for the exchange of information and ideas outside of a state capacity context and regulation. Third, this book explains how the official narrative surrounding the unusual outcome differs from the motives and actions of the members of the global elite network. There are discrepancies with expressed intent in narratives and the outcome. Questioning political narratives with a focus on relations helps to explore how political elites can control the mainstream narrative. Identifying the linkages of political actors (social, personal, financial, professional and political) outwards to TNCs, organisations, institutions, councils and other elites reveals the process by which a dominant narrative is re/produced, and thus shows an alternate reality behind political and development narratives. It is important to study these connections to understand how opposition groups are forced to exist within a dualistic narrative so that anything going against the mainstream and accepted narrative is not only wrong but also suppressed and sometimes erased.

In this book, a study is presented that investigates how municipal politicians make sense of recent European crises. City Council members’ representation and conceptualization of the financial crisis in 2008, the refugee crisis in 2015 and the terror crisis up through the 21st. century, and how they represent their own response to, and way of handling, the crises, is analyzed. Thereby, the local politicians’ understanding of their political agency vis-a -vis international crises is explored. More specifically, the investigation is based on a case-study of a local municipality in Denmark.

The study shows that there is a feeling of a high degree of agency among the city council members, as to the city councils’ ability to act in times of crises. Furthermore, in times of crises the city council is perceived as a united agent, rather than an arena for conflicts or negotiations. Differences are put aside in order to act swift and pragmatically. Thus, the city council members appear to experience themselves primarily as members of the city council, when various crises requires them to act within a very short time span.

A Stanford University Press classic.

A Stanford University Press classic.

This work addresses the development of congressional practices and institutions and ties the changes to key political and economic events. In connecting political and economic events with changes in Congress, the authors examine the political economy of the history of Congress. They draw upon history to offer insights about contemporary issues such as party polarization, filibuster reform, direct election of politicians, intercameral bargaining, and the role of committees in the political process. Through this approach the authors help us to understand how politics and economics interact to affect Congress.

Power and Patronage examines the unwritten rules and inner workings of contemporary China's local politics and government. It exposes how these rules have helped to keep the one-Party state together during decades of tumultuous political, social, and economic change.

While many observers of Chinese politics have recognized the importance of informal institutions, this book explains how informal local groups actually operate, paying special attention to the role of patronage networks in political decision-making, political competition, and official corruption. While patronage networks are often seen as a parasite on the formal institutions of state, Hillman shows that patronage politics actually help China's political system function. In a system characterized by fragmented authority, personal power relations, and bureaucratic indiscipline, patronage networks play a critical role in facilitating policy coordination and bureaucratic bargaining. They also help to regulate political competition within the state, which reduces the potential for open conflict. Understanding patronage networks is essential for understanding the resilience of the Chinese state through decades of change.

Power and Patronage is filled with rich and fascinating accounts of the machinations of patronage networks and their role in the ruthless and sometimes violent competition for political power.

In recent decades, political scientists have produced an enormous body of scholarship dealing with the U.S. Congress, and in particular congressional organization. However, most of this research has focused on Congress in the twentieth century—especially the post-New Deal era—and the long history of Congress has been largely neglected. The contributors to this book demonstrate that this inattention to congressional history has denied us many rich opportunities to more fully understand the evolution and functioning of the modern Congress.

In striking contrast to the modern era, which is marked by only modest partisan realignment and institutional change, the period preceding the New Deal was a time of rapid and substantial change in Congress. During the nation’s first 150 years, parties emerged, developed, and realigned; the standing rules of the House and Senate expanded and underwent profound changes; the workload of Congress increased dramatically; and both houses grew considerably in size.

Studying history is valuable in large part because it allows scholars to observe greater variation in many of the parameters of their theories, and to test their core assumptions. A historical approach pushes scholars to recognize and confront the limits of their theories, resulting in theories that have increased validity and broader applicability. Thus, incorporating history into political science gives us a more dynamic view of Congress than the relatively static picture that emerges from a strict focus on recent periods.

Each contributor engages one of three general questions that have animated the literature on congressional politics in recent years: What is the role of party organizations in policy making? In what ways have congressional process and procedure changed over the years? How does congressional process and procedure affect congressional politics and policy?

This book provides a series of case studies illuminating the role and character of the House of Lords over two centuries, from 1714 to 1914. The figures treated in the essays are Edmund Gibson (Bishop of Lincoln and later London), the first Earl Cowper, the Sixth Earl of Denbigh, Lord Thurlow, the second Earl Grey, the Duke of Wellington, the Duke of Bedforda nd Earls Spencer and Fitzwilliam, Lord Derby, and Lord Selborne and Bonar Law. These figures are all selected for the ways in which their careers shed light in one way or another on key moments and key issues in British political history, with particular reference to the evolution of the House of Lords. Overall, the nine studies show that the role of the House of Lords was much more complicated and much less reactionary than conventional wisdom has allowed.

This book is about how the design of institutional change results in unintended consequences. Many post-authoritarian societies have adopted decentralization—effectively localizing power—as part and parcel of democratization, but also in their efforts to entrench "good governance." Vedi Hadiz shifts the attention to the accompanying tensions and contradictions that define the terms under which the localization of power actually takes place. In the process, he develops a compelling analysis that ties social and institutional change to the outcomes of social conflict in local arenas of power.

Using the case of Indonesia, and comparing it with Thailand and the Philippines, Hadiz seeks to understand the seeming puzzle of how local predatory systems of power remain resilient in the face of international and domestic pressures. Forcefully persuasive and characteristically passionate, Hadiz challenges readers while arguing convincingly that local power and politics still matter greatly in our globalized world.

For two decades, extending from the early 1970s to the early 1990s, elections to the U.S. House of Representatives were highly predictable. More than 90 percent of incumbents would seek reelection and more than 90 percent of those incumbents would win—by larger vote margins than in earlier decades. The once-dependable presidential coattail effect diminished, as one-quarter to one-third of all voters split their tickets, supporting presidential and House candidates of different parties. These trends helped the Democrats retain control of the House even while Republican presidential candidates won five of six elections beginning in 1968. An era of “incumbency and insulation” seemed firmly in place.

Then came the 1994 midterm elections. The Republicans gained 52 seats in the House, taking control for the first time in 40 years. Incumbency appeared to have lost its semi-magical status as three dozen incumbents fell. Insulation, too, appeared to have failed, with all the losing incumbents being Democrats, most of them from districts where President Clinton had run poorly in 1992. But did 1994 herald a new era, or was it an aberration?

In some ways, the 1996 elections, which reelected President Clinton, ratified the 1994 upheaval. Republicans retained control of the House, despite the decline of ticket-splitting as more voters aligned their presidential and House voting decisions. The 1998 election results added to the picture of a new era in congressional elections as the presidential party gained seats in a midterm election for the first time since 1934.

Most of the essays in this volume closely examine these recent elections, documenting the erosion of incumbency and insulation, but pointing out important continuities as well. Other essays address the electoral consequences of political change in the South, majority-minority redistricting, PAC contributions, and the changing image of Congress.

Although communitarianism has a long history, it has only recently emerged to pose a major challenge to the traditional left-right divide in politics and the competing principles of individualism and collectivism. Communitarianism is the first comprehensive and accessible introduction to communitarianism's ideas and their implications for politics and citizenship. Drawing on a wide range of international examples and engaging with communitarianism's critics, Tam demonstrates clearly its relevance to the United States and the world.

Tools for people seeking to improve their communities

This significant guide puts the tools of democracy into everyone’s hands. Based on the best of Blandin Foundation’s 20-year experience in developing community leaders, it gives community members—like yourself—the tools to bring people together to make changes. 

Here are some of the useful resources you’ll find:

• Identifying Community Assets
  
• Community Problem Analysis
  
• Accessing Community Data
  
• Appreciative Inquiry
  
• Translating Vision to Action
  
• Interpersonal Communication for Leaders
  
• Managing Interpersonal Conflict as a Leader
  
• Building Social Capital Across Cultures
  
• Network Mapping: Locating Your Social Capital
  
• Stakeholders Analysis
  
• Building Coalitions
  
• Building Effective Community Teams
  
• Recruiting and Sustaining Volunteers
  
• Getting the Most from Your Meetings

Your roadmap to community leadership

Across the country, individuals and groups are hearing a bugle call to action. Rural, urban, rich, poor, left, right, and everywhere in between—community members are waking up to bridge differences and make their communities the best they can be. If you want to make a difference where you live, this book is your roadmap. If you attend early and late night meetings to figure out what needs to get done, this book is your handbook. If you give your time and energy to make things happen, this book is your guide. If you work to involve your neighbors to solve problems, this book is your ally. Carefully crafted examples—based on real-life leadership issues—help you see how to put the tools of leadership to work where you live, today.

Whether you are an active community member who wants to make a difference, a nonprofit leader serving the community, a leadership advisor, a government liaison called on to convene the community, a business leader, a public servant, or a foundation program officer specializing in community needs, you will find in this book the tools and theories essential to getting your work done.

This accessible book is about local democracy, civic engagement, political participation and community in Britain. It rejects the many pessimistic accounts that seek to dominate our political discourse with their talk of political apathy, community breakdown and selfish individualism

The book focuses on local democratic politics in Britain over the last decade and a half, from the election of the New Labour government right up to the current Conservative/Liberal Democrat coalition government. It includes an analysis of local democracy, civic engagement and participation across a range of policy areas and in the context of debates around accountability, legitimacy, sustainability, localism and the 'big society'.

Drawing on a wide range of examples, it argues that local democracy is a vibrant terrain of innovation, civic engagement and participation, and dynamic community activity, with a wide variety of informal and formal activity taking place.

Winner, 2023 Southwest Book Awards, Border Regional Library Association

In 2010 Arizona enacted Senate Bill 1070, the notorious “show-me-your-papers” law. At the time, it was widely portrayed as a draconian outlier; today, it is clear that events in Arizona foreshadowed the rise of Donald Trump and underscored the worldwide trend toward the securitization of migration—treating immigrants as a security threat. Offering a comprehensive account of the SB 1070 era in Arizona and its fallout, this book provides new perspective on why policy makers adopt hard-line views on immigration and how this trend can be turned back.

Tracing how the issue of unauthorized migration consumed Arizona state politics from 2003 to 2010, Mike Slaven analyzes how previously extreme arguments can gain momentum among politicians across the political spectrum. He presents an insider account based on illuminating interviews with political actors as well as historical research, weaving a compelling narrative of power struggles and political battles. Slaven details how politicians strategize about border politics in the context of competitive partisan conflicts and how securitization spreads across parties and factions. He examines right-wing figures who pushed an increasingly extreme agenda; the lukewarm center-right, which faced escalating far-right pressure; and the nervous center-left, which feared losing the center to border-security appeals—and he explains why the escalation of securitization broke down, yielding new political configurations. A comprehensive chronicle of a key episode in recent American history, this book also draws out lessons that Arizona’s experience holds for immigration politics across the world.

From Tammany Hall to the election of David Dinkins, To Be Mayor of New York offers insights into the effect of ethnic competition on the demise of urban political machines.

Beginning with a colorful assessment of New York City's Tammany Hall as it existed in the late nineteenth century, McNickle traces the effect of the arrival of large numbers of Jewish and Italian immigrants -and later black and Puerto Rican migrants- on the Irish-dominated political machine. He focuses on the political passage of Jewish immigrants through the various small parties unique to New York -socialist, American Labor, and Liberal. Later he describes their attraction to various factions of the traditional Democratic and Republican parties. He spotlights the willingness of large numbers of Jewish voters to cast ballots for third-party candidates on the basis of their shared philosophical commitments and political priorities.

McNickle then examines mayoral campaigns between 1945, the end of the LaGuardia era, and 1989, during which the Irish receded and Jews and later African-Americans emerged as the most important ethnic groups in local politics. To Be Mayor of New York offers the most complete study of the development of Jewish political participation in New York. Placing a rise of the New York City Reform Movement in historical perspective, the author explains the election of New York's first Jewish mayor, Abe Beame, and the first African-American mayor, David Dinkins, as part of the political evolution of both these groups.

Carrie Manning’s illuminating book examines how policies to limit taxation at state and local levels in the US have direct and lasting consequences for equity, accountability, and ultimately for democracy.

Tax structures embed and reproduce an implicit social contract between government and citizens, creating path-dependent outcomes that produce unintended consequences which are rarely traced back to state and local revenue models. This book combines historical American political development with the study of state formation. It provides a clear-eyed investigation into the past, present, and future of the social contract between America’s local governments and citizens.

This book unveils the forces behind the dynamic knowledge economy that drove America’s 21st century economic success.

Challenging the notion of the US as a singular market-driven economy, the book introduces the concept of the 'Polycentric Innovation State' to explain the critical role federal and state governments play in shaping innovation-led growth. Through detailed comparative analysis of four states, the book demonstrates how regional authorities pursue distinct yet overlapping strategies to foster high-value industries. Essential reading for scholars of comparative political economy and American governance, this book offers fresh insights into the evolving landscape of American capitalism and state-market relations.

How elements of masculinity manifest themselves in all aspects of American political life

While hardly a new phenomenon, masculinity—which includes elements of toughness, independence, and leadership, among others—roared onto the national political stage in America with the 2016 candidacy, election, and presidency of Donald Trump. Research into masculinity dates back over a century, but little attention has been paid to the specific role of masculinity in politics beyond the conventional wisdom that it, rather than femininity, is the dominant force. This lack of research has led to a lack of knowledge on how exactly, and how much, masculinity shapes political structures, attitudes and behaviors, from children’s socialization to our masculine political world, to how a new generation views this traditional dominance.

In Masculinity in American Politics, Monika L. McDermott and Dan Cassino bring together a prestigious group of interdisciplinary scholars to explore these questions and their implications for different aspects of political life. Topics include the challenge of defining and measuring masculinity, how perceptions of gender and masculinity can shape campaign messaging strategies and public opinion, and other discussions of political identity, including age, race, and ethnicity.

With contributions from Melissa Deckman, Jill S. Greenlee, Amanda Bittner, and other high-profile scholars, this comprehensive volume provides insight into masculinity and its high-stakes political manifestations, particularly as Gen Z fights to redefine the contours of their own gender and sexuality. Drawing upon insights from politics, sociology, psychology, and the broader social sciences, Masculinity in American Politics pushes the field to look “beyond the binary” and illuminate this brave, new world of political conflict and possibility.

This title from the De Gruyter Book Archive has been digitized in order to make it available for academic research. It was originally published under National Socialism and has to be viewed in this historical context. Learn more here.

Donald Trump’s campaign and presidency represented a radical departure from political norms that are often classified by media and researchers as ‘populist’. Instead, this book theorizes Trump’s campaign and presidency with reference to Mikhail Bakhtin’s "carnival" – a medieval festival of transgression, ridicule, and renewal. In this book, Lisa Gaufman and Bharath Ganesh provide a closer insight into the Trump Carnival, developing interdisciplinary perspectives on populism, misogyny, misinformation, and far-right vernacular culture. Building on the idea of the carnivalesque, this book focuses on the laughing culture of the Trump campaigns and presidency that vilified minorities, disparaged women, and ultimately emboldened the far right. Bringing Bakhtin into dialogue with key developments in contemporary politics, this book is a must-read for anyone interested in the Trump phenomenon, American politics, and populism.

The astonishing political rise of Donald Trump sent seasoned observers scurrying for clues and explanations. How did Trump happen? Of course no one guide will suffice, but a surprisingly helpful one, suggests Sidney Plotkin, is the early twentieth-century American radical, Thorstein Veblen. In remarkably vivid ways, Veblen understood the enduring American allure of figures such as Trump. [NP] As Plotkin shows in “Veblen’s America,” Trump’s booming persona springs noisily out the country-town hucksterism that Veblen sardonically depicted, its fabulist habits fitting Trump’s “truthful hyperbole” to a tee. But Veblen saw darker, more ominous forces in American life too––habits of barbaric violence, misogyny and xenophobia––forces that foreshadowed Trump’s appeal to what Veblen called a deep “sclerosis of the American soul.” New Deal liberalism helped mute the strains, but economic crisis and the neoliberal response aggravated them. Donald Trump’s appeal to hate made their revival unmistakable.

To shape the study, Plotkin introduces readers to Veblen’s critical institutional theory and its application to both the American case generally and to the Trump family story in particular. With Veblen as foundation, he examines three generations of Trumps as they engage the forces of American development: Friedrich Trump, the hard-scrabble immigrant grandfather, on the make in the gold mining towns of the Pacific Northwest; Fred Trump, the father, who showed the way in using the loose rules of American housing policy to become a captain of local industry; and Donald J. Trump himself, who, having first burst onto the New York City scene as a burgeoning celebrity entrepreneur of the neoliberal era, then turned against neoliberal globalism, proclaiming himself the one and only savior of working-class America. As Plotkin shows, Trump’s poisonous ascendancy exposed a barbaric malevolence that has long torn at the fabric of American democracy and its aspirations for equality.

• Americans perceive the many political dilemmas in our society and corruption in our government, but few understand the causes of these problems. After explaining the constitutional roots of declining governing capacity in our federal system, this book sets out a comprehensive agenda of 25 amendments that can attract wide support across the political spectrum. The “top 10” proposals include reforms to make elections more competitive, reliable, and fair, such as ranked choice voting (“instant runoffs”); semi-open primary races with fixed dates rotating among all states; an anti-gerrymandering formula to make congressional elections more competitive; improved access to the polls through a national voter registry and voter rights; limits to campaign donations and political advertising. 
• Instead of considering them piecemeal, we should understand how the needed amendments form a systemic overhaul that includes major improvements to the House and Senate. This requires a ban on filibusters, creative ways to fix unequal representation in the House of Representatives, and restoring popular access to legislators. Improving the judiciary requires an 18-year term on the Supreme Court and appellate courts, firm deadlines for confirmation votes to reduce partisan pressures on the judiciary, and clarification of judicial review. A national civics education curriculum and fair-and-balanced requirements for mass media would make it much harder to manipulate people through misinformation campaigns.
• The book also argues for direct election of the president, Puerto Rico statehood, and ways to fix our current radical inequalities of voter influence in the Senate. Several common-sense “good government” reforms will reduce corruption. These include mandated financial disclosures; a requirement for federal legislators and officers to hold their assets in blind trusts; penalties for campaigns using stolen information; limits to the president’s pardoning powers; and clearer grounds for impeachment. Beyond the filibuster, there are further steps to break gridlock in Congress and fix the budget process. 
• Finally, we need to improve the amendment process itself, and clarify how a national convention should work as an alternative to Congress for proposing amendments for ratification. When called by 38 states, a convention can reach national compromise on a whole package of amendments to restore responsive, efficient, and effective government.

A Stanford University Press classic.

The COVID-19 pandemic struck as a global problem, a virus spreading without respect for territorial boundaries. National responses to mitigate the multi-dimensional effects provoked by the pandemic have been varied. What factors within federal systems could be related to the success or failure of their attempts to face this crisis? How have political leaders been performing in the intergovernmental arena, along with subnational levels of government?

American Federal Systems and COVID-19 analyzes five American federations – Argentina, Brazil, Canada, Mexico, and United States – and how they have responded to a complex intergovernmental problem (CIP) such as the COVID-19 pandemic. Using an analytical model based on two dimensions – institutional design and political agency – this study shows how the combination between federal design and political leadership stances can develop different policy responses to face the challenge of the COVID-19.

American Federal Systems and COVID-19 expands the current theoretical and empirical lens and learn what effective and ineffective actions implemented, giving essential insight to face boundary-spanning intergovernmental complex problems whose effects are very unlikely to cease anytime soon.

America is highly polarized around elections, but unelected actors make many of the decisions that affect our lives. In this lucid history, James R. Copland explains how unaccountable agents have taken over much of the U.S. government apparatus.

Congress has largely abdicated its authority. “Independent” administrative agencies churn out thousands of new regulations every year. Courts have enabled these rulemakers to expand their powers beyond those authorized by law—and have constrained executive efforts to rein in the bureaucratic behemoth.

No ordinary citizen can know what is legal and what is not. There are some 300,000 federal crimes, 98 percent of which were created by administrative action. The proliferation of rules gives enormous discretion to unelected enforcers, and the severity of sanctions can be ruinous to citizens who unwittingly violate a regulation.

Outside the bureaucracy, private attorneys regulate our conduct through lawsuits. Most of the legal theories underlying these suits were never voted upon by our elected representatives. A combination of historical accident, decisions by judges and law professors, and self-interested advocacy by litigators has built an onerous and expensive legal regime.

Finally, state and local officials may be accountable to their own voters, but some reach further afield, pursuing agendas to dictate the terms of national commerce. These new antifederalists are subjecting the citizens of Wyoming and Mississippi to the whims of the electorates of New York and San Francisco—contrary to the constitutional design.

In these ways, the unelected have assumed substantial control of the American republic, upended the rule of law, given the United States the world’s costliest legal system, and inverted the Constitution’s federalism. Copland caps off his account with ideas for charting a corrective course back to democratic accountability.

The populist phenomenon is often identified with the election of Donald Trump in November 2016. But the political, moral, and social realities for which Trump was a symbol both predated his candidacy and achieved independent fulfillment in countries as disparate as the United Kingdom, Hungary, and Brazil.

At the center of the populist challenge, this volume proposes, are two questions. The first revolves around the question of sovereignty: who governs a country? This question is at the center of all contemporary populist initiatives and has been posed with increasing urgency as the bureaucratic burden of what has come to be called the administrative state has intruded more and more forcefully upon the political and social life of Western democracies.

The second key question, one related to the issue of sovereignty, concerns what Lincoln called “public sentiment”: the widespread, almost taken-for-granted yet nonetheless palpable affirmation by a people of their national identity. The erosion of national sovereignty to which populism is a response has been accompanied by an erosion of that shared national consensus. Increasingly, the traditional pillars of this consensus—the binding forces of family, religion, civic duty, and patriotic filiation—have faltered before the blandishments of transnational progressivism.

The debate sparked by these problems has turned on a number of high-profile issues which this volume seeks to address, including immigration, free trade, foreign policy, religious freedom, and the question of citizenship.

Behind the deeply contentious 2020 election stands a real story of a broken election process. Election fraud that alters election outcomes and dilutes legitimate votes occurs all too often, as is the bungling of election bureaucrats. Our election process is full of vulnerabilities that can be — and are — taken advantage of, raising questions about, and damaging public confidence in, the legitimacy of the outcome of elections. This book explores the reality of the fraud and bureaucratic errors and mistakes that should concern all Americans and offers recommendations and solutions to fix those problems.

Only a decade ago, Mexico saw the end of seventy years of single-party hegemonic rule and the first free and fair election in its history. How has the country evolved since then, and what is the status of its democracy today? In this comprehensive new collection intended for use in undergraduate courses a group of distinguished scholars examines recent political developments in Mexico—including its 2006 election and the breakdown in consensus that nearly resulted—in order to assess the progress of its democratization. Focusing on transformations in Mexico's evolving political party system, institutions in transition, and the changing nature of state-society relations, contributors to this book discuss the challenges that Mexican democracy faces today as well as the potential it has for further change in the near future.

This book explores how the lower federal court appointment process became vastly politicized in the modern era. Scherer develops a theory of “elite mobilization,” positing that lower court appointments have always been used by politicians for electoral purposes, but because of two historic changes to American institutions in the 1950s and 1960s—the breakdown of the old party system, and a federal judiciary reception to expanding individuals’ constitutional rights—politicians shifted from an appointment system dominated by patronage to a system dominated by new policy-oriented appointment strategies.

The use of these new strategies not only resulted in partisan warfare during the nomination and confirmation stages of the appointment process, but also led to party-polarized voting in the lower federal courts. Employing exclusive data of judicial decision-making from the New Deal era through the present, Scherer demonstrates that there was little party-polarized voting in the lower federal courts until the late 1960s, and that once politicians began to use elite mobilization strategies, significant party-polarized voting in the lower federal courts resulted. Accordingly, elite mobilization strategies have affected not only politics in Washington, but also the way justice is distributed across the country.

The book provides a clear assessment of the New Labour public policies and their outcomes in Britain under the leadership of Tony Blair and Gordon Brown from 1997–2009. Authors Florence Faucher-King and Patrick Le Galès argue that New Labour, in contrast to its European counterparts, developed a right-wing economic policy program based upon light financial regulation and strict macroeconomic management. Blair and Brown developed a large controlling bureaucracy, making Britain's government one of the most centralized in the world.

While some progressive policies were implemented, Faucher-King and Le Galès point to an overarching program of authoritative controls, massive surveillance, and illiberal social policies. Profound reforms were therefore linked to a new bureaucratic revolution that has subsequently been rejected by the British people. According to the authors, the financial crisis and the collapse of part of the banking system have signaled the end of the New Labour project.

Moscow in Movement is the first exhaustive study of social movements, protest, and the state-society relationship in Vladimir Putin's Russia. Beginning in 2005 and running through the summer of 2013, the book traces the evolution of the relationship between citizens and their state through a series of in-depth case studies, explaining how Russians mobilized to defend human and civil rights, the environment, and individual and group interests: a process that culminated in the dramatic election protests of 2011–2012 and their aftermath. To understand where this surprising mobilization came from, and what it might mean for Russia's political future, the author looks beyond blanket arguments about the impact of low levels of trust, the weight of the Soviet legacy, or authoritarian repression, and finds an active and boisterous citizenry that nevertheless struggles to gain traction against a ruling elite that would prefer to ignore them.

On a broader level, the core argument of this volume is that political elites, by structuring the political arena, exert a decisive influence on the patterns of collective behavior that make up civil society—and the author seeks to test this theory by applying it to observable facts in historical and comparative perspective.

Moscow in Movement will be of interest to anyone looking for a bottom-up, citizens' eye view of recent Russian history, and especially to scholars and students of contemporary Russian politics and society, comparative politics, and sociology.

The developments of early 2011 changes the political landscape of the Middle East. But even as urgent struggles continue, it remains clear that authoritarianism will survive this transformational moment. The study of authoritarian governance, therefore, remains essential for our understanding of the political dynamics and inner workings of regimes across the region.

This volume considers the Syrian and Iranian regimes—what they share in common and what distinguishes them. Too frequently, authoritarianism has been assumed to be a generic descriptor of the region and differences among regimes have been overlooked. But as the political trajectories of Middle Eastern states diverge in years ahead, with some perhaps consolidating democratic gains while others remaining under distinct and resilient forms of authoritarian rule, understanding variations in modes of authoritarian governance and the attributes that promote regime resilience becomes an increasingly urgent priority.

Federalism—the division of power between national and state governments—has been a divisive issue throughout American history. Conservatives argued in support of federalism and states' rights to oppose the end of slavery, the New Deal, and desegregation. In the 1990s, the Rehnquist Court used federalism to strike down numerous laws of public good, including federal statutes requiring the clean up of nuclear waste and background checks for gun ownership. Now the Roberts Court appears poised to use federalism and states' rights to limit federal power even further.

In this book, Erwin Chemerinsky passionately argues for a different vision: federalism as empowerment. He analyzes and criticizes the Supreme Court's recent conservative trend, and lays out his own challenge to the Court to approach their decisions with the aim of advancing liberty and enhancing effective governance. While the traditional approach has been about limiting federal power, an alternative conception would empower every level of government to deal with social problems. In Chemerinsky's view, federal power should address national problems like environmental protection and violations of civil rights, while state power can be strengthened in areas such as consumer privacy and employee protection.

The challenge for the 21st century is to reinvent American government so that it can effectively deal with enduring social ills and growing threats to personal freedom and civil liberties. Increasing the chains on government—as the Court and Congress are now doing in the name of federalism—is exactly the wrong way to enter the new century. But, an empowered federalism, as Chemerinsky shows, will profoundly alter the capabilities and promise of U.S. government and society.

Bureaucrats are important symbols of the governments that employ them. Contrary to popular stereotypes, they determine much about the way policy is ultimately enacted and experienced by citizens. While we know a great deal about bureaucrats and their actions, we know little about their development. Are particular types of people drawn to government work, or are government workers forged by the agencies they work in? Put simply, are bureaucrats born, or are they made?

In Becoming Bureaucrats, Zachary W. Oberfield traces the paths of two sets of public servants—police officers and welfare caseworkers—from their first day on the job through the end of their second year. Examining original data derived from surveys and in-depth interviews, along with ethnographic observations from the author's year of training and work as a welfare caseworker, Becoming Bureaucrats charts how public-sector entrants develop their bureaucratic identities, motivations, and attitudes. Ranging from individual stories to population-wide statistical analysis, Oberfield's study complicates the long-standing cliché that bureaucracies churn out bureaucrats with mechanical efficiency. He demonstrates that entrants' bureaucratic personalities evolved but remained strongly tied to the views, identities, and motives that they articulated at the outset of their service. As such, he argues that who bureaucrats become and, as a result, how bureaucracies function, depends strongly on patterns of self-selection and recruitment.

Becoming Bureaucrats not only enriches our theoretical understanding of bureaucratic behavior but also provides practical advice to elected officials and public managers on building responsive, accountable workforces.

Uncovers the ways the United States government responds to natural and human-induced disasters in relation to race over the past eight decades

When the images of desperate, hungry, thirsty, sick, mostly black people circulated in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina, it became apparent to the whole country that race did indeed matter when it came to government assistance. In The Wrong Complexion for Protection, Robert D. Bullard and Beverly Wright place the government response to natural and human-induced disasters in historical context over the past eight decades. They compare and contrast how the government responded to emergencies, including environmental and public health emergencies, toxic contamination, industrial accidents, bioterrorism threats and show that African Americans are disproportionately affected. Bullard and Wright argue that uncovering and eliminating disparate disaster response can mean the difference between life and death for those most vulnerable in disastrous times.