Political Science

This report focuses on the roles of the local property tax and state aid in the funding of public education and analyzes their strengths and weaknesses. A key theme is the property tax-school funding dilemma--the challenge of overcoming the shortcomings of both the local property tax and state aid in a way that assures that state school funding systems can finance an adequate education for all students in an equitable and efficient manner.
Case studies of five states (California, Massachusetts, South Carolina, Texas, and Wisconsin) illustrate the complexities of the dilemma. The report concludes with 11 recommendations. Some recommendations focus on ways to make the local property tax more equitable and efficient; others suggest ways to improve state aid for K-12 education. A final recommendation argues for an expansion of federal education aid to assist low-income states and to address learning loss arising from the COVID19 pandemic.

This new edition is written specifically for A2 level students and covers the subject in a clear, accessible and easy to understand style. It closely follows the syllabuses of the three main examination boards (AQA, Edexcel and OCR).

After setting American politics in its social and economic context, the book provides an introduction to and analysis of the American constitution and the distribution of power within the federal system. It considers the executive branch - which is made up of the presidency, the presidential administration and the bureaucracy - before looking in depth at the legislature and the judiciary. The book considers the role of American political parties and pressure groups, and the nature of elections and electioneering and voting behaviour. Coverage is given to the Bush presidency and the 2004 election. The first administration under George W. Bush, the terrorist attacks of 11 September and the invasion of Iraq are included, giving students an understanding of the nature of presidential power.

This book is the second in the three volume set The Labour governments 1964-1970 and concentrates on Britain's international policy under the Labour governments in the 1960s and is available for the first time in paperback.

The coverage ranges from defence policy and the government machine to European integration, NATO and the Vietnam war. Harold Wilson and his ministers have often been accused of betraying the sense of promise that greeted their victory in 1964. Using recently released archival evidence, John Young argues that a more balanced view of the government will recognise the real difficulties that surrounded decision-making, not only on Vietnam, but also on Aden, the Nigerian civil war and Rhodesia.

Economic weakness, waning military strength, Cold War tensions and the need to placate allies all placed limits on what a once-great but now clearly declining power could achieve. Furthermore the government proved of pivotal importance in the history of Britain's international role, in that it presided over a major shift from positions East of Suez to a focus on European concerns, a focus that has remained until the present day.

The book will be of vital importance to students of British history and international relations during this exciting period. Together with the other books in the series, on domestic policy and economic policy, it provides a complete picture of the development of Britain under the premiership of Harold Wilson.

Available in paperback for the first time, this book is the third in the three volume set The Labour governments 1964-1970 and concentrates on Britain's economic policy under the Labour governments in the 1960s.

It assesses the origins, development and outcomes of the attempts made by the 1964-1970 Labourgovernments under Harold Wilson to modernise the British economy. This is the first comprehensive and archivally-based work to offer a detailed study of this modernisation project.

The book places the project in the context of Labour's economic ideas as they had developed since the 1940s as well as the economic legacy they inherited from the previous thirteen years of Conservative rule. After outlining this context and providing a summary narrative of economic policy over this period, the international aspect of Labour's approach to the economy is analysed. The core of the book then goes on to look in detail at the policies directly concerned with modernisation. Following the agenda set by the national plan of 1965, policies on planning, investment and the firm, technical change, the labour market and the nationalised industries are all analysed. In addition, the productivity campaign of the late 1960s is shown to have encapsulated many of the underlying ideas but also many of the problems of Labour's approach to economic policy. The final section of the book asks how the pursuit of modernisation affected Labour's pursuit of "social justice", before offering an overall assessment of Labour's period of office.

The book will be of special interest to contemporary historians, economic historians and those interested in the history of the Labour party. Together with the other books in the series, on domestic policy and international policy, it provides a complete picture of the development of Britain under the premiership of Harold Wilson.

This revised and updated third edition provides readers with a comprehensive description and analysis of the German political system, and of the political behaviour within the context of that system. It surveys the historical development of German politics, including the background, processes and political consequences of reunification, and recent changes to the electoral system, party system and recent Bundestag and Land elections.

This authoritative yet accessible textbook presents certain specialised topics, such as the career of Angela Merkel and the Eurozone crisis, in separate sections within the relevant chapters, and provides tables for key information including election results, the membership of trade unions and lists of presidents and chancellors. The appendices include a review of significant constitutional court cases, a survey of the more important political features of each of the sixteen Länder, and the Bundestag election campaigns since 1949. Each chapter also offers suggestions for further reading.

This new edition of German politics today offers a sound foundation for undergraduate courses focused on, or involving, study of the German political system.

This revised and updated third edition provides readers with a comprehensive description and analysis of the German political system, and of the political behaviour within the context of that system. It surveys the historical development of German politics, including the background, processes and political consequences of reunification, and recent changes to the electoral system, party system and recent Bundestag and Land elections.

This authoritative yet accessible textbook presents certain specialised topics, such as the career of Angela Merkel and the Eurozone crisis, in separate sections within the relevant chapters, and provides tables for key information including election results, the membership of trade unions and lists of presidents and chancellors. The appendices include a review of significant constitutional court cases, a survey of the more important political features of each of the sixteen Länder, and the Bundestag election campaigns since 1949. Each chapter also offers suggestions for further reading.

This new edition of German politics today offers a sound foundation for undergraduate courses focused on, or involving, study of the German political system.

This revised and updated edition provides the reader with a comprehensive description and analysis of the institutions of the German political system. The historical development of German politics is surveyed, and special attention is given to the causes, course and consequences of German reunification. Where more detailed explanations of special topics are required, such as surplus seats in the electoral system, or the political career of Chancellor Merkel, these are provided in boxes set within the relevant chapters. Some information is provided in tabular form, such as the list of federal chancellors and federal presidents, the membership of trade unions, or election results. Appendices contain examples of important constitutional court cases, plus a survey of the political features of the sixteen Länder which make up the federal structure of the state. Each chapter offers suggestions for further reading.

Accessibly written, with suggestions for further reading, this book offers a sound basis for all undergraduate courses focused on, or including, study of the German political system. The author's familiarity with all aspects of the German political system is evident from the authority with which he explains the structures and processes which form the basis of German politics.

Ireland’s international reputation changed rapidly from global success story to European problem-case. How did this happen? What are the implications for our view of good governance?

This book argues that there is a crisis in the way the Irish state is structured and in the manner in which it relates to the main organised interests in the society. Through a set of linked policy studies, it shows how sectional benefits can be prioritised where public interest considerations are weakly articulated and debated. Policy choices may entail unintended perverse consequences that, once embedded, can be difficult to alter. The book traces these weaknesses to the dominance of parties, the permeability of the political system to sectional interests, and the weakness of democratic accountability. A powerful concluding chapter sets out an agenda for future research on institutional design and political reform.

This book sets out a compelling argument that institutional design matters, especially in an increasingly globalised and interdependent world.

Ireland’s international reputation changed rapidly from global success story to European problem-case. How did this happen? What are the implications for our view of good governance?

This book argues that there is a crisis in the way the Irish state is structured and in the manner in which it relates to the main organised interests in the society. Through a set of linked policy studies, it shows how sectional benefits can be prioritised where public interest considerations are weakly articulated and debated. Policy choices may entail unintended perverse consequences that, once embedded, can be difficult to alter. The book traces these weaknesses to the dominance of parties, the permeability of the political system to sectional interests, and the weakness of democratic accountability. A powerful concluding chapter sets out an agenda for future research on institutional design and political reform.

This book sets out a compelling argument that institutional design matters, especially in an increasingly globalised and interdependent world.

Was Miliband successful at turning the page on New Labour and at re-imagining social democracy for the post-global financial crisis era? This study maps the ideas - old and new - that were debated and adopted by the Labour Party under Miliband and shows how they were transformed into policy proposals and adapted to contemporary circumstances. It seeks to demonstrate that the Labour Party under Miliband tried but failed to renew social democracy. This failure is one of the several reasons why 'Milibandism' was so overwhelmingly rejected by voters at the 2015 general election.

Goes offers a thought-provoking perspective on how political parties develop their thinking and political blueprints that will appeal to scholars and students of British politics and ideologies and to anyone interested in contemporary debates about social democracy.

Was Miliband successful at turning the page on New Labour and at re-imagining social democracy for the post-global financial crisis era? This study maps the ideas - old and new - that were debated and adopted by the Labour Party under Miliband and shows how they were transformed into policy proposals and adapted to contemporary circumstances. It seeks to demonstrate that the Labour Party under Miliband tried but failed to renew social democracy. This failure is one of the several reasons why 'Milibandism' was so overwhelmingly rejected by voters at the 2015 general election.

Goes offers a thought-provoking perspective on how political parties develop their thinking and political blueprints that will appeal to scholars and students of British politics and ideologies and to anyone interested in contemporary debates about social democracy.

This book, newly available in paperback, is the first in the new series The Labour governments, 1964–70 and concentrates on Britain's domestic policy during Harold Wilson’s tenure as Prime Minister.

The book deals, in particular, with how the Labour government and Labour party as a whole tried to come to terms with the 1960s 'cultural revolution'. It is grounded in original research, takes unique account of responses from Labour's grass roots and from Wilson’s ministerial colleagues, and constructs a 'total history' of the party at this critical moment in history.

Steven Fielding situates Labour in its wider cultural context and focuses on how the party approached issues such as the apparent transformation of the class structure, the changing place of women, rising black immigration, the apparently widening generation gap and increasing calls for direct participation in politics.

The book will be of interest to all those concerned with the development of contemporary British politics and society as well as those researching the 1960s. Together with the other books in the series, on international policy and economic policy, it provides an unrivalled insight into the development of Britain under Harold Wilson’s government.

An electronic edition of this book is freely available under a Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND) licence.

This book, newly available in paperback, examines the extent to which semi-presidentialism has affected the process of democratization in Central and Eastern Europe since the early 1990s. The standard academic wisdom is that semi-presidentialism, where there is both a directly elected president and a prime minister who is responsible for the legislature, is a risky choice for nascent democracies because of the in-built potential for conflict between the president and the prime minister. This book demonstrates that semi-presidential regimes can operate in quite different ways, some with very strong presidents, some with strong prime ministers and ceremonial presidents and some with a balance of presidential and prime ministerial powers. In particular, the book analyses the specific impact of the various forms of semi-presidentialism that can be found in Central and Eastern Europe. With chapters on Bulgaria, Croatia, Lithuania, Macedonia, Moldova, Poland, Romania, Russia, Serbia, Slovakia, Slovenia and Ukraine, the book explores whether some forms of semi-presidentialism are more conducive to democratisation than others.
It also looks at how semi-presidentialism may have helped democracy to survive and examines its impact on government performance in terms of stability and policy-making.

This is the first book to consider the difference women MPs make for women constituents in Britain by comparing women parliamentarians’ activities, priorities and perceptions to those of their male colleagues. It uncovers complicated gender dynamics that have been neglected in other works because of an exclusive focus on the activities of women MPs, and mounts a systematic challenge to the idea that a critical mass of women is necessary for women’s presence to matter.

By comparing the representation received by women from a parliament with few women to that received from a parliament with many women, Anna Dionne leads the reader to understand why numbers are not magic. Her empirical research includes interviews with over eighty parliamentarians in London, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, and the amassing of an unprecedented and comprehensive database of representatives’ legislative activities. She compares how men and women and different political parties introduce and support bills and motions, ask parliamentary questions, participate in committee and floor debates, and work behind the scenes for cross-party consensus and on constituency casework. The analysis considers gender similarities and differences throughout the policy process and explains the gender dynamics with a new sensitivity to their fluctuation.

Democratising Conservative leadership selection traces the effects of democracy on the British Conservative Party, specifically looking at how changes in the ways the Conservatives elect their leaders have altered their mandate to lead.

The book includes analysis of the original undemocratic ‘system’ whereby a leader ‘emerged’ from a shadowy process of consultation, and of the six elections between 1965 and 1997 where the parliamentary Conservative Party alone chose the Party leader. This historical perspective is followed by in-depth analysis of the three contests since 2001 that have taken place under the ‘Hague rules’, according to which ordinary Party members have the final say. This is the most comprehensive account yet published of the operation of those rules on the Conservative Party and the legitimacy of its leadership, and of the 2005 election of David Cameron.

This book will be essential reading for students, academic specialists and anyone interested in the recent history and contemporary practice of British Conservatism.

Sovereignty and superheroes marks a major new contribution to the emerging field of comic studies and the growing literature on superheroes. Using a range of critical theorists, the book examines superheroes as sovereigns, addressing amongst other things the complex treatment of law and violence, legitimacy and authority. It examines all the main characters including Superman, Batman, Captain America, Wonder Woman and Iron Man along with a host of other heroes and heroines within the Marvel and DC universes.

The book will be of interest to academics and students interested in the intersection between superhero comics, culture and politics. In a century thus far dominated by the war on terror, superheroes offer us the perfect opportunity to think through the nature of sovereignty in such times of emergency. The book not only guides the reader through some of the major story arcs in superhero comics, but also serves as an excellent introduction to a range of writings on the nature of sovereignty.

This completely revised and updated third edition of Scandinavian politics today follows the format of earlier editions by providing a uniquely comparative, thematic and insightful treatment of politics and government in the five nation-states of Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden, along with the three Home Rule territories of Greenland, Faeroes and Åland that together make up the Nordic region or Norden.

Thirteen chapters cover Scandinavia past and present; parties in developmental perspective; the Scandinavian party system model; the Nordic model of government; the Nordic welfare model; legislative-executive relations in the region; the changing security environment and the transition from Cold War ‘security threats’ to the ‘security challenges' of today; and a concluding chapter looks at regional co-operation, Nordic involvement in the ‘European project’ and the Nordic states as ‘moral superpowers’.

This new edition will be of relevance to topical UK debates on the Nordic model, welfare system change, Scottish independence and the challenges facing small-state systems in a globalised world.

This completely revised and updated third edition of Scandinavian politics today follows the format of earlier editions by providing a uniquely comparative, thematic and insightful treatment of politics and government in the five nation-states of Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden, along with the three Home Rule territories of Greenland, Faeroes and Åland that together make up the Nordic region or Norden.

Thirteen chapters cover Scandinavia past and present; parties in developmental perspective; the Scandinavian party system model; the Nordic model of government; the Nordic welfare model; legislative-executive relations in the region; the changing security environment and the transition from Cold War ‘security threats’ to the ‘security challenges' of today; and a concluding chapter looks at regional co-operation, Nordic involvement in the ‘European project’ and the Nordic states as ‘moral superpowers’.

This new edition will be of relevance to topical UK debates on the Nordic model, welfare system change, Scottish independence and the challenges facing small-state systems in a globalised world.

We are witnessing a worldwide resurgence of reactionary ideologies and movements, combined with an escalating assault on democratic institutions and structures. Nevertheless, most studies of these phenomena remain anchored in a methodological nationalism, while comparative research is almost entirely limited to the Global North. Yet, authoritarian transformations in the South — and the struggles against them — have not only been just as dramatic as those in the North but also preceded them, and consequently have been studied by Southern scholars for many years.

This volume brings together the work of more than 15 scholar-activists from across the Global South, combining in-depth studies of regional processes of authoritarian transformation with a global perspective on authoritarian capitalism.

With a foreword by Verónica Gago.

The Case for Centralized Federalism and its sister volume The Case for Decentralized Federalism are the outcome of the Federalism Redux Project, created to stimulate a serious and useful conversation on federalism in Canada. They provide the vocabulary and arguments needed to articulate the case for a centralized or a decentralized Canadian federalism.

In The Case for Centralized Federalism, an array of experts condemns the federal government’s submissiveness in its dealings with the provinces and calls for a renewed federal assertiveness. They argue that the federal government is best placed to create effective policy, support democracy and respond to issues of national importance.

Published in English.

In 2004, Paul Martin asked Justice John Gomery to lead a public inquiry into potential misspending in the federal Sponsorship Program, a relatively small investment of taxpayers' money to try to convince Quebeckers of the benefits of Canadian federalism in the aftermath of the 1995 referendum on Quebec separation.

The Gomery inquiry chose to focus exclusively on the sordid details of the money laundering and paid no attention to the deeper causes and sources of the problem: the dysfunctions of an existing centralized governing apparatus that is tearing the fabric of the country apart and the collusion of centralizing groups defending the status quo.

Published in English.

The Case for Decentralized Federalism and its sister volume The Case for Centralized Federalism are the outcome of the Federalism Redux Project, created to stimulate a serious and useful conversation on federalism in Canada. They provide the vocabulary and arguments needed to articulate the case for a centralized or a decentralized Canadian federalism.

The Case for Decentralized Federalism brings together experts who believe decentralized federalism is the optimal arrangement for governing the contextual diversity and cultural pluralism in Canada. Using different approaches, they argue that by dividing the work of public governance among different levels of government, it is easier to address the needs and aspirations of the diverse groups that make up Canada.

Published in English.

The rapid expansion of the Internet has fueled the emergence of electronic government at all levels in Canada.

E-government's first decade featured online service underpinned by a technically secure infrastructure. This service-security nexus entails internal governance reforms aimed at realizing more customer-centric delivery via integration and coordination across departments and agencies. Yet, as online networking has become more pervasive and public demands for participation rise, pressures for greater openness and accountability intensify. The result is widening experimentation with online democracy. The e-governance focus is thus shifting toward issues of transparency and trust - and new possibilities for re-conceptualizing how power is organized and deployed. In sum, the prospects for digital transformation involve the interplay of these four dimensions: service, security, transparency and trust. This book identifies the main drivers of e-government, assesses the responses of Canada's public sector to date, and sketches out the major challenges and choices that lie ahead.

The findings will be of interest to those studying or working in the world of public sector management and e-governance.

Published in English.

Boundaries between business and government are increasingly fluid and often transcended. Yet it remains important to acknowledge and make appropriate use of the fundamental differences between these sectors. The five most critical challenges to business and government in Canada today are corporate governance, lobbying and influence, security and privacy, public-private partnerships, and geography and development.

This book is an exploration of the systemic dynamics of the inter-sectoral governance that shape the collective performance of Canada's national jurisdiction. Three perspectives of the relational dynamics between business and government, drawn from leading Canadian scholars, are adopted in order to frame the examination of independence, influence, and interdependence.

This book makes a case for the advancement of “virtuous hybrids,” while pointing out the challenges that remain in terms of the formation and successful performance of such hybrids in Canada, a challenge that calls for political leadership as well as social learning. An informed and engaged public, wearing multiple hats (i.e. as voter, shareholder, employee, activist etc.) would be the ultimate arbiter of sectoral and collective performance. Boundaries between business and government are increasingly fluid and often transcended. Yet it remains important to acknowledge and make appropriate use of the fundamental differences between these sectors.

Published in English.

This book offers an accessible and compelling guide to the American presidency by exploring a series of key questions. How powerful is the American presidency, and to what extent is presidential power dependent on persuasion? Do the personal qualities of presidents drive events, or does the institution of the presidency shape their choices? Is the presidency a “unitary” office or a limited and circumscribed institution? Which is more important, character or competence? Is presidential success a matter of skill or opportunity? And will future presidencies turn away from checks and balances in favor of illiberal democracy?

Michael A. Genovese, a leading scholar of the presidency, provides a clear overview of the core arguments and debates over the essential characteristics of this contradictory institution. Ideal for classroom use, this book provides insights into what the presidency was designed to be, what it has evolved into, how it has been reshaped to respond to new demands, and what its future might hold. Engaging and reader-friendly, The Modern Presidency gives students the tools to think critically about the nature of this complex office and how its powers can be wielded.

This book offers an accessible and compelling guide to the American presidency by exploring a series of key questions. How powerful is the American presidency, and to what extent is presidential power dependent on persuasion? Do the personal qualities of presidents drive events, or does the institution of the presidency shape their choices? Is the presidency a “unitary” office or a limited and circumscribed institution? Which is more important, character or competence? Is presidential success a matter of skill or opportunity? And will future presidencies turn away from checks and balances in favor of illiberal democracy?

Michael A. Genovese, a leading scholar of the presidency, provides a clear overview of the core arguments and debates over the essential characteristics of this contradictory institution. Ideal for classroom use, this book provides insights into what the presidency was designed to be, what it has evolved into, how it has been reshaped to respond to new demands, and what its future might hold. Engaging and reader-friendly, The Modern Presidency gives students the tools to think critically about the nature of this complex office and how its powers can be wielded.

The Baby Boomers are the largest and most powerful generation in American history—and they aren’t going away any time soon. They are, on average, whiter, wealthier, and more conservative than younger generations. They dominate cultural and political institutions and make up the largest slice of the electorate. Generational conflict, with Millennials and Generation Z pitted against the aging Boomer cohort, has become a media staple. Older and younger voters are increasingly at odds: Republicans as a whole skew gray-haired, and within the Democratic Party, the left-leaning youth vote propels primary challengers. The generation gap is widening into a political fault line.

Kevin Munger marshals novel data and survey evidence to argue that generational conflict will define the politics of the next decade. He examines the historical trends that made the Baby Boomers so consequential and traces the emergence of age-based political and cultural divisions. Boomers continue to prefer the media culture of their youth, but Millennials and Gen Z are using the internet to render legacy institutions irrelevant. These divergent media habits have led more people than ever to identify with their generation. Munger shows that a common “cohort consciousness” binds aging Boomer voters into a bloc—but a shared identity and purpose among Millennials and Gen Z could topple Boomer power.

Bringing together expertise in data analysis and digital culture with keen insight into contemporary politics, Generation Gap explains why the Baby Boomers remain so dominant and how quickly that might change.

The Baby Boomers are the largest and most powerful generation in American history—and they aren’t going away any time soon. They are, on average, whiter, wealthier, and more conservative than younger generations. They dominate cultural and political institutions and make up the largest slice of the electorate. Generational conflict, with Millennials and Generation Z pitted against the aging Boomer cohort, has become a media staple. Older and younger voters are increasingly at odds: Republicans as a whole skew gray-haired, and within the Democratic Party, the left-leaning youth vote propels primary challengers. The generation gap is widening into a political fault line.

Kevin Munger marshals novel data and survey evidence to argue that generational conflict will define the politics of the next decade. He examines the historical trends that made the Baby Boomers so consequential and traces the emergence of age-based political and cultural divisions. Boomers continue to prefer the media culture of their youth, but Millennials and Gen Z are using the internet to render legacy institutions irrelevant. These divergent media habits have led more people than ever to identify with their generation. Munger shows that a common “cohort consciousness” binds aging Boomer voters into a bloc—but a shared identity and purpose among Millennials and Gen Z could topple Boomer power.

Bringing together expertise in data analysis and digital culture with keen insight into contemporary politics, Generation Gap explains why the Baby Boomers remain so dominant and how quickly that might change.

Some years—1789, 1929, 1989—change the world suddenly. Or do they? In 2020, a pandemic converged with an economic collapse, inequalities exploded, and institutions weakened. Yet these crises sprang not from new risks but from known dangers. The world—like many patients—met 2020 with a host of preexisting conditions, which together tilted the odds toward disaster. Perhaps 2020 wasn’t the year the world changed; perhaps it was simply the moment the world finally understood its deadly diagnosis.

In The Long Year, some of the world’s most incisive thinkers excavate 2020’s buried crises, revealing how they must be confronted in order to achieve a more equal future. Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor calls for the defunding of police and the refunding of communities; Keisha Blain demonstrates why the battle against racism must be global; and Adam Tooze reveals that COVID-19 hit hardest where inequality was already greatest and welfare states weakest. Yarimar Bonilla, Xiaowei Wang, Simon Balto, Marcia Chatelain, Gautam Bhan, Ananya Roy, and others offer insights from the factory farms of China to the elite resorts of France, the meatpacking plants of the Midwest to the overcrowded hospitals of India.

The definitive guide to these ongoing catastrophes, The Long Year shows that only by exposing the roots and ramifications of 2020 can another such breakdown be prevented. It is made possible through institutional partnerships with Public Books and the Social Science Research Council.

Some years—1789, 1929, 1989—change the world suddenly. Or do they? In 2020, a pandemic converged with an economic collapse, inequalities exploded, and institutions weakened. Yet these crises sprang not from new risks but from known dangers. The world—like many patients—met 2020 with a host of preexisting conditions, which together tilted the odds toward disaster. Perhaps 2020 wasn’t the year the world changed; perhaps it was simply the moment the world finally understood its deadly diagnosis.

In The Long Year, some of the world’s most incisive thinkers excavate 2020’s buried crises, revealing how they must be confronted in order to achieve a more equal future. Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor calls for the defunding of police and the refunding of communities; Keisha Blain demonstrates why the battle against racism must be global; and Adam Tooze reveals that COVID-19 hit hardest where inequality was already greatest and welfare states weakest. Yarimar Bonilla, Xiaowei Wang, Simon Balto, Marcia Chatelain, Gautam Bhan, Ananya Roy, and others offer insights from the factory farms of China to the elite resorts of France, the meatpacking plants of the Midwest to the overcrowded hospitals of India.

The definitive guide to these ongoing catastrophes, The Long Year shows that only by exposing the roots and ramifications of 2020 can another such breakdown be prevented. It is made possible through institutional partnerships with Public Books and the Social Science Research Council.

Again and again in the nation’s history, presidents of the United States have faced the dramatic challenge of domestic insurrection and sought ways to reconcile with the rebels afterward. This book is the first comprehensive study of how presidential mass pardons have helped put such conflicts to rest. Graham G. Dodds examines when and why presidents have issued mass pardons and amnesties to deal with domestic rebellion and attempt to reunite the country. He analyzes how presidents have used both deeds and words—proclamations of mass pardons and persuasive rhetoric—in order to foster political reconciliation.

The book features in-depth case studies of the key instances of mass pardons in U.S. history, beginning with George Washington’s and John Adams’s pardoning participants in armed insurrections in Pennsylvania in the 1790s. In the nineteenth century, James Buchanan, Benjamin Harrison, and Grover Cleveland issued pardons to Mormon insurrectionists and polygamists, and Abraham Lincoln and Andrew Johnson pardoned Confederates both during and after the Civil War. Most recently, Dodds considers Gerald Ford’s clemency and Jimmy Carter’s amnesty of Vietnam War resisters.

Beyond exploring these events, Mass Pardons in America offers new perspectives on the president’s pardon power, unilateral presidential actions, and presidential rhetoric more broadly. Its implications span fields including political history, presidential studies, and legal history.

Again and again in the nation’s history, presidents of the United States have faced the dramatic challenge of domestic insurrection and sought ways to reconcile with the rebels afterward. This book is the first comprehensive study of how presidential mass pardons have helped put such conflicts to rest. Graham G. Dodds examines when and why presidents have issued mass pardons and amnesties to deal with domestic rebellion and attempt to reunite the country. He analyzes how presidents have used both deeds and words—proclamations of mass pardons and persuasive rhetoric—in order to foster political reconciliation.

The book features in-depth case studies of the key instances of mass pardons in U.S. history, beginning with George Washington’s and John Adams’s pardoning participants in armed insurrections in Pennsylvania in the 1790s. In the nineteenth century, James Buchanan, Benjamin Harrison, and Grover Cleveland issued pardons to Mormon insurrectionists and polygamists, and Abraham Lincoln and Andrew Johnson pardoned Confederates both during and after the Civil War. Most recently, Dodds considers Gerald Ford’s clemency and Jimmy Carter’s amnesty of Vietnam War resisters.

Beyond exploring these events, Mass Pardons in America offers new perspectives on the president’s pardon power, unilateral presidential actions, and presidential rhetoric more broadly. Its implications span fields including political history, presidential studies, and legal history.

Polling shows that since the 1950s Americans’ trust in government has fallen dramatically to historically low levels. In At War with Government, the political scientists Amy Fried and Douglas B. Harris reveal that this trend is no accident. Although distrust of authority is deeply rooted in American culture, it is fueled by conservative elites who benefit from it. Since the postwar era conservative leaders have deliberately and strategically undermined faith in the political system for partisan aims.

Fried and Harris detail how conservatives have sown distrust to build organizations, win elections, shift power toward institutions that they control, and secure policy victories. They trace this strategy from the Nixon and Reagan years through Gingrich’s Contract with America, the Tea Party, and Donald Trump’s rise and presidency. Conservatives have promoted a political identity opposed to domestic state action, used racial messages to undermine unity, and cultivated cynicism to build and bolster coalitions. Once in power, they have defunded public services unless they help their constituencies and rolled back regulations, perversely proving the failure of government. Fried and Harris draw on archival sources to document how conservative elites have strategized behind the scenes. With a powerful diagnosis of our polarized era, At War with Government also proposes how we might rebuild trust in government by countering the strategies conservatives have used to weaken it.

Polling shows that since the 1950s Americans’ trust in government has fallen dramatically to historically low levels. In At War with Government, the political scientists Amy Fried and Douglas B. Harris reveal that this trend is no accident. Although distrust of authority is deeply rooted in American culture, it is fueled by conservative elites who benefit from it. Since the postwar era conservative leaders have deliberately and strategically undermined faith in the political system for partisan aims.

Fried and Harris detail how conservatives have sown distrust to build organizations, win elections, shift power toward institutions that they control, and secure policy victories. They trace this strategy from the Nixon and Reagan years through Gingrich’s Contract with America, the Tea Party, and Donald Trump’s rise and presidency. Conservatives have promoted a political identity opposed to domestic state action, used racial messages to undermine unity, and cultivated cynicism to build and bolster coalitions. Once in power, they have defunded public services unless they help their constituencies and rolled back regulations, perversely proving the failure of government. Fried and Harris draw on archival sources to document how conservative elites have strategized behind the scenes. With a powerful diagnosis of our polarized era, At War with Government also proposes how we might rebuild trust in government by countering the strategies conservatives have used to weaken it.

Richard Neustadt's seminal work Presidential Power: The Politics of Leadership has endured for nearly four decades as the core of academic study of the American presidency. Now, building on and challenging many of the arguments in Neustadt's work, Presidential Power: Forging the Presidency for the Twenty-first Century offers reflections and implications from what we have learned about presidential power as the new century dawns.

These essays—including a new contribution by Neustadt himself—forge a solid reexamination of Neustadt's Presidential Power that address questions raised but not resolved by his work. A notable aspect of this volume's analysis is the transformed institution of the presidency in the wake of the impeachment hearings of the country's last twentieth-century president, Bill Clinton. From the portrayal of presidents as persuaders to the politics of presidential transitions, each of the constituent essays in this volume provides an engaging look at the state of the American presidency.

Richard Neustadt's seminal work Presidential Power: The Politics of Leadership has endured for nearly four decades as the core of academic study of the American presidency. Now, building on and challenging many of the arguments in Neustadt's work, Presidential Power: Forging the Presidency for the Twenty-first Century offers reflections and implications from what we have learned about presidential power as the new century dawns.

These essays—including a new contribution by Neustadt himself—forge a solid reexamination of Neustadt's Presidential Power that address questions raised but not resolved by his work. A notable aspect of this volume's analysis is the transformed institution of the presidency in the wake of the impeachment hearings of the country's last twentieth-century president, Bill Clinton. From the portrayal of presidents as persuaders to the politics of presidential transitions, each of the constituent essays in this volume provides an engaging look at the state of the American presidency.

Is polling a process that brings "science" into the study of society? Or are polls crude instruments that tell us little about the way people actually think? The role of public opinion polls in government and mass media has gained increasing importance with each new election or poll taken.

Here Lewis presents a new look at an old tradition, the first study of opinion polls using an interdisciplinary approach combining cultural studies, sociology, political science, and mass communication. Rather than dismissing polls, he considers them to be a significant form of representation in contemporary culture; he explores how the media report on polls and, in turn, how publicized results influence the way people respond to polls. Lewis argues that the media tend to exclude the more progressive side of popular opinion from public debate. While the media's influence is limited, it works strategically to maintain the power of pro-corporate political elites.

Few would argue that presidential policies and performance would have been the same whether John F. Kennedy or Richard Nixon became president in 1960, or if Jimmy Carter instead of Ronald Reagan had won the White House in 1980. Indeed, in recent elections, the character, prior policy experience, or personalities of candidates have played an increasing role in our assessments of their "fit" for the Oval Office. Further, these same characteristics are often used to explain an administration's success or failure in policy making. Obviously, who the president is—and what he is like—matters.

This book, a new approach to the study of the personal presidency, links the characteristics of six modern American presidents—their personalities and their prior policy-making experience—to their leadership styles, advisory arrangements, and decision making in the White House. Thomas Preston uses M. G. Hermann's Personality Assessment-at-a-Distance (PAD) profiling technique, as well as exhaustive archival research and interviews with former advisors, to develop a leadership style typology. He then compares his model's expectations against the actual policy record of six past presidents, using foreign policy episodes: Korea (1950) for Truman, Dien Bien Phu (1954) for Eisenhower, Cuba (1962) for Kennedy, Vietnam (1967-68) for Johnson, the Gulf War (1990-91) for Bush, and North Korea/Haiti/Bosnia (1994-95) for Clinton.

Is polling a process that brings "science" into the study of society? Or are polls crude instruments that tell us little about the way people actually think? The role of public opinion polls in government and mass media has gained increasing importance with each new election or poll taken.

Here Lewis presents a new look at an old tradition, the first study of opinion polls using an interdisciplinary approach combining cultural studies, sociology, political science, and mass communication. Rather than dismissing polls, he considers them to be a significant form of representation in contemporary culture; he explores how the media report on polls and, in turn, how publicized results influence the way people respond to polls. Lewis argues that the media tend to exclude the more progressive side of popular opinion from public debate. While the media's influence is limited, it works strategically to maintain the power of pro-corporate political elites.

Seyom Brown's authoritative account of U.S. foreign policy from the end of the Second World War to the present challenges common assumptions about American presidents and their struggle with power and purpose. Brown shows Truman to be more anguished than he publicly revealed about the use of the atomic bomb; Eisenhower and George W. Bush to be more immersed in the details of policy formulation and implementation than generally believed; Reagan to be more invested in changing his worldview while in office than any previous president; and Obama to have modeled his military exit from Iraq and Afghanistan more closely to Nixon and Kissinger's exit strategy from Vietnam than he would like to admit. Brown's analyses of Obama's policies for countering terrorist threats at home and abroad, dealing with unprecedented upheavals in the Middle East, preventing the proliferation of nuclear weapons, and containing new territorial expansion by China and Russia reinforce the book's "constancy and change" theme, which shows that serving the interests of the most powerful country in the world transforms the Oval Office's occupant more than its occupant can transform the world.

Praise for previous editions:

"Systematic and informative... [Brown] has a gift for clear analysis that makes his book a useful contribution to the Cold War literature."—The Journal of American History

"Comprehensive and clear... thorough without ever becoming dull, providing detailed analysis of decisions while never neglecting the environment within which they are made."—International Affairs

"An excellent reference for those interested in United States foreign policy.... Well-written and well-researched, it is appropriate for use in both undergraduate and graduate courses."—International Journal

"An analysis with difference—an important difference. Seyom Brown discusses United States policy from the perspective of how decision makers in the United States viewed their adversaries and the alternatives as those decision makers saw them.... Well worth the effort of a careful reading."—American Political Science Review

Seyom Brown's authoritative account of U.S. foreign policy from the end of the Second World War to the present challenges common assumptions about American presidents and their struggle with power and purpose. Brown shows Truman to be more anguished than he publicly revealed about the use of the atomic bomb; Eisenhower and George W. Bush to be more immersed in the details of policy formulation and implementation than generally believed; Reagan to be more invested in changing his worldview while in office than any previous president; and Obama to have modeled his military exit from Iraq and Afghanistan more closely to Nixon and Kissinger's exit strategy from Vietnam than he would like to admit. Brown's analyses of Obama's policies for countering terrorist threats at home and abroad, dealing with unprecedented upheavals in the Middle East, preventing the proliferation of nuclear weapons, and containing new territorial expansion by China and Russia reinforce the book's "constancy and change" theme, which shows that serving the interests of the most powerful country in the world transforms the Oval Office's occupant more than its occupant can transform the world.

Praise for previous editions:

"Systematic and informative... [Brown] has a gift for clear analysis that makes his book a useful contribution to the Cold War literature."—The Journal of American History

"Comprehensive and clear... thorough without ever becoming dull, providing detailed analysis of decisions while never neglecting the environment within which they are made."—International Affairs

"An excellent reference for those interested in United States foreign policy.... Well-written and well-researched, it is appropriate for use in both undergraduate and graduate courses."—International Journal

"An analysis with difference—an important difference. Seyom Brown discusses United States policy from the perspective of how decision makers in the United States viewed their adversaries and the alternatives as those decision makers saw them.... Well worth the effort of a careful reading."—American Political Science Review

Donald Trump’s election has called into question many fundamental assumptions about politics and society. Should the forty-fifth president of the United States make us reconsider the nature and future of the global order? Collecting a wide range of perspectives from leading political scientists, historians, and international-relations scholars, Chaos in the Liberal Order explores the global trends that led to Trump’s stunning victory and the impact his presidency will have on the international political landscape.

Contributors situate Trump among past foreign policy upheavals and enduring models for global governance, seeking to understand how and why he departs from precedents and norms. The book considers key issues, such as what Trump means for America’s role in the world; the relationship between domestic and international politics; and Trump’s place in the rise of the far right worldwide. It poses challenging questions, including: Does Trump’s election signal the downfall of the liberal order or unveil its resilience? What is the importance of individual leaders for the international system, and to what extent is Trump an outlier? Is there a Trump doctrine, or is America’s president fundamentally impulsive and scattershot? The book considers the effects of Trump’s presidency on trends in human rights, international alliances, and regional conflicts. With provocative contributions from prominent figures such as Stephen M. Walt, Andrew J. Bacevich, and Samuel Moyn, this timely collection brings much-needed expert perspectives on our tumultuous era.

Donald Trump’s election has called into question many fundamental assumptions about politics and society. Should the forty-fifth president of the United States make us reconsider the nature and future of the global order? Collecting a wide range of perspectives from leading political scientists, historians, and international-relations scholars, Chaos in the Liberal Order explores the global trends that led to Trump’s stunning victory and the impact his presidency will have on the international political landscape.

Contributors situate Trump among past foreign policy upheavals and enduring models for global governance, seeking to understand how and why he departs from precedents and norms. The book considers key issues, such as what Trump means for America’s role in the world; the relationship between domestic and international politics; and Trump’s place in the rise of the far right worldwide. It poses challenging questions, including: Does Trump’s election signal the downfall of the liberal order or unveil its resilience? What is the importance of individual leaders for the international system, and to what extent is Trump an outlier? Is there a Trump doctrine, or is America’s president fundamentally impulsive and scattershot? The book considers the effects of Trump’s presidency on trends in human rights, international alliances, and regional conflicts. With provocative contributions from prominent figures such as Stephen M. Walt, Andrew J. Bacevich, and Samuel Moyn, this timely collection brings much-needed expert perspectives on our tumultuous era.

The defeat of Donald Trump in November 2020 followed by the attack on the US Congress on 6th January 2021 represented a tipping point moment in the history of the American republic. Divided at home and facing a world sceptical of American claims to be the ‘indispensable nation’ in world politics, it is clear that the next few years will be decisive ones for the United States. But how did the US, which was riding high only 30 years ago, arrive at this critical point? And will it lead to the fall of what many would claim has been one of the most successful empires of modern times?

In this volume, Michael Cox, a leading scholar of American foreign policy, outlines the ways in which five very different American Presidents – Clinton, Bush, Obama, Trump and now Biden – have addressed the complex legacies left them by their predecessors while dealing with the longer-term problems of running an empire under increasing stress. In so doing, he sets out a framework for thinking critically about US foreign policy since the end of the Cold War without ever losing sight of the biggest question of all: can America continue to shape world affairs or is it now facing long-term decline?

The defeat of Donald Trump in November 2020 followed by the attack on the US Congress on 6th January 2021 represented a tipping point moment in the history of the American republic. Divided at home and facing a world sceptical of American claims to be the ‘indispensable nation’ in world politics, it is clear that the next few years will be decisive ones for the United States. But how did the US, which was riding high only 30 years ago, arrive at this critical point? And will it lead to the fall of what many would claim has been one of the most successful empires of modern times?

In this volume, Michael Cox, a leading scholar of American foreign policy, outlines the ways in which five very different American Presidents – Clinton, Bush, Obama, Trump and now Biden – have addressed the complex legacies left them by their predecessors while dealing with the longer-term problems of running an empire under increasing stress. In so doing, he sets out a framework for thinking critically about US foreign policy since the end of the Cold War without ever losing sight of the biggest question of all: can America continue to shape world affairs or is it now facing long-term decline?

Paying close attention to its domestic roots, this textbook provides a valuable introduction to the construction and application of US foreign policy in the modern era. Accessibly written and including helpful illustrative material, a glossary and guide to further reading, it is organised around four broad themes:

• the ideologies of US foreign policy;

• the institutions of US foreign policy making;

• the actors who influence and shape the content of US foreign policy;

• the policy goals and ideas that motivate US foreign policy.

Drawing from analyses of the broader history of US foreign policy throughout the post-Second World War period, the book encourages readers to think about how these ideas, institutions and goals have been at work in the foreign policy of recent presidential administrations, including those of George W. Bush, Barack Obama, Donald Trump and Joe Biden.

Paying close attention to its domestic roots, this textbook provides a valuable introduction to the construction and application of US foreign policy in the modern era. Accessibly written and including helpful illustrative material, a glossary and guide to further reading, it is organised around four broad themes:

• the ideologies of US foreign policy;

• the institutions of US foreign policy making;

• the actors who influence and shape the content of US foreign policy;

• the policy goals and ideas that motivate US foreign policy.

Drawing from analyses of the broader history of US foreign policy throughout the post-Second World War period, the book encourages readers to think about how these ideas, institutions and goals have been at work in the foreign policy of recent presidential administrations, including those of George W. Bush, Barack Obama, Donald Trump and Joe Biden.

This book is a comparison of the history and politics of two sister societies, comparing Canada with Australia, rather than, as is traditional, with the United Kingdom or the United States. It is representative of a particular interest in promoting more contact and exchange among Canadian and Australian scholars who were investigating various features of the two societies. Because some of them were individually involved in aspects of federalist studies, an examination of the early evolution of federalism in what once were the two sister dominions seemed quite an appropriate area in which to begin comparisons.
The book discusses Canadian federalism from about 1864 to 1880 and Australian federalism from about 1897 to 1914. It examines the background and changes wrought on early Canadian federalism and early Australian federalism.

After the Cold War, the United States and its NATO allies faced crucial questions. Could Russia, their old adversary, be integrated into the liberal international order? What roles should former Soviet republics and satellite states in Eastern and Central Europe play in the Euro-Atlantic security system? These questions have taken on renewed significance since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, as Vladimir Putin has portrayed Russia as the victim of Western expansionism.

This deeply researched book offers new perspective on the NATO-Russia relationship through the eyes of Strobe Talbott, a deputy secretary of state for seven years under President Bill Clinton and the key US diplomatic broker for the former USSR. Stephan Kieninger traces the Clinton administration’s efforts to engage Russia and enlarge NATO at the same time, as elements of a new European security architecture. Drawing on Talbott’s diaries, as well as US and European archives and extensive interviews with former government officials, he sheds light on NATO’s opening, its missions in Bosnia and Kosovo, and other vexed issues. Kieninger argues that a careful look at Talbott’s statecraft rebuts Putin’s claims that the West exploited Russia’s weakness after the Cold War, demonstrating that the Clinton administration and its NATO allies sought to include Russia at every step. An illuminating and comprehensive account of US diplomacy during the Clinton years, Securing Peace in Europe provides vital insight into the complex relations between Russia and the West.

After the Cold War, the United States and its NATO allies faced crucial questions. Could Russia, their old adversary, be integrated into the liberal international order? What roles should former Soviet republics and satellite states in Eastern and Central Europe play in the Euro-Atlantic security system? These questions have taken on renewed significance since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, as Vladimir Putin has portrayed Russia as the victim of Western expansionism.

This deeply researched book offers new perspective on the NATO-Russia relationship through the eyes of Strobe Talbott, a deputy secretary of state for seven years under President Bill Clinton and the key US diplomatic broker for the former USSR. Stephan Kieninger traces the Clinton administration’s efforts to engage Russia and enlarge NATO at the same time, as elements of a new European security architecture. Drawing on Talbott’s diaries, as well as US and European archives and extensive interviews with former government officials, he sheds light on NATO’s opening, its missions in Bosnia and Kosovo, and other vexed issues. Kieninger argues that a careful look at Talbott’s statecraft rebuts Putin’s claims that the West exploited Russia’s weakness after the Cold War, demonstrating that the Clinton administration and its NATO allies sought to include Russia at every step. An illuminating and comprehensive account of US diplomacy during the Clinton years, Securing Peace in Europe provides vital insight into the complex relations between Russia and the West.

We've known for decades that climate change is an existential crisis. For just as long, we've seen the complete failure of our institutions to rise to the challenge. Governments have struggled to meet even modest goals. Fossil fuel interests maintain a stranglehold on political and economic power. Even though we have seen growing concern from everyday people, civil society has succeeded only in pressuring decision makers to adopt watered-down policies. All the while, the climate crisis worsens. Is there any hope of achieving the systemic change we need?

Dana R. Fisher argues that there is a realistic path forward for climate action—but only through mass mobilization that responds to the growing severity and frequency of disastrous events. She assesses the current state of affairs and shows why public policy and private-sector efforts have been ineffective. Spurred by this lack of progress, climate activism has become increasingly confrontational. Fisher examines the radical flank of the climate movement: its emergence and growth, its use of direct action, and how it might evolve as the climate crisis worsens. She considers when and how activism is most successful, identifying the importance of creating community, capitalizing on shocking moments, and cultivating resilience. Clear-eyed yet optimistic, Saving Ourselves offers timely insights on how social movements can take power back from deeply entrenched interests and open windows of opportunity for transformative climate action.

Kenneth Waltz (1924–2013) is perhaps the most enduringly influential figure in international relations theory of the second half of the twentieth century. He is considered the father of the structural-realist or neorealist school, and his views on core questions, such as the causes of war and the structure of the international system, are foundational to the field today and likely will remain so for decades to come. Waltz’s writings on both theoretical and policy-related topics, from the balance of power to the spread of nuclear weapons, continue to fuel debate.

This book is a groundbreaking intellectual biography of Kenneth Waltz, shedding new light on the development and significance of his key contributions. Paul R. Viotti draws on extensive, candid interviews with Waltz as well as Waltz’s personal files and archival research to provide a nuanced account of the great scholar’s life and thought. He traces the intellectual sources and personal experiences that shaped Waltz’s work, including an intense Lutheran upbringing; service in World War II and the Korean War; and the academic environments of Oberlin College, Columbia University, and the University of California, Berkeley. Viotti examines the key influences on Waltz’s major works, Man, the State, and War and Theory of International Politics, and analyzes their distinctive insights. Engaging with the views of Waltz’s critics and featuring reminiscences from his colleagues, this book is a compelling portrait of an intellectual titan.